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Title: The Life of Sir Henry Morgan. With an account of the
   English settlement of the island of Jamaica  (1655-1688).
Author: Cruikshank, Ernest Alexander (1853-1939)
Cartographer [map of Old Providence]: Prinald (active ca. 1766-1771)
Date of first publication: 1935
Edition used as base for this ebook:
   Toronto: Macmillan Company of Canada, 1935
   [first edition]
Date first posted: 10 April 2011
Date last updated: 10 April 2011
Project Gutenberg Canada ebook #767

This ebook was produced by
Marcia Brooks, Ross Cooling, Mark Akrigg
& the Online Distributed Proofreading Canada Team
at http://www.pgdpcanada.net






  LIFE OF SIR HENRY MORGAN




[Illustration: Sir Henry Morgan
Governor of Jamaica]




  THE LIFE
  OF
  SIR HENRY MORGAN

  WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
  THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT
  OF
  THE ISLAND OF JAMAICA
  (1655-1688)

  BY

  BRIG.-GENERAL E. A. CRUIKSHANK,
  LL.D., F.R.S.C., F.R. Hist. S.


  TORONTO: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY OF
  CANADA LIMITED, AT ST. MARTIN'S HOUSE
  1935




  Copyright, Canada, 1935

  By

  THE MACMILLAN COMPANY OF CANADA LIMITED

  All rights reserved--no part of this book may be reproduced in any form
  without permission in writing from the publishers.


  Printed in Canada




    _To Jamaica, most beautiful of islands, where the writer has
    spent ten happy winters, this book is affectionately inscribed
    in commemoration of the three hundredth anniversary of the birth
    of Henry Morgan._

    _Oracabessa, Ja.
    February, 1935._




  CONTENTS

  CHAPTER                                                            PAGE

     I. His Family and His Early Life                                   1

    II. The Dutch War and the Raid on Central America                  41

   III. Old Providence, Puerto Principe, and Puerto Bello              65

    IV. Maracaibo and Gibraltar                                        98

     V. The Resumption of Hostilities                                 129

    VI. Old Providence, Chagres, and Panama                           150

   VII. The Downfall of Modyford                                      200

  VIII. The Quarrel with Lord Vaughan                                 226

    IX. Carlisle's Contest with the Assembly                          259

     X. Governor and Commander in Chief                               302

    XI. Discord and Political Eclipse                                 344

   XII. The History of the Buccaniers and Morgan's Suits for Libel    373

  XIII. Last Years and Death                                          393

        Appendix I                                                    423

        Appendix II                                                   424




  LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS


  Sir Henry Morgan, Governor of Jamaica                    _Frontispiece_

  Fort Triana at Puerto Bello                            _facing page_ 84

  Gateway to the Fort at Puerto Bello                                 116

  Inside the Castle at Chagres                                        148

  The Burning of Panama                                               148

  Old Providence                                                      166

  Ruins of Cathedral Tower at Panama                                  194

  Replica of Four Pages of "Hollantze Mercurius"  _Between pages_ 210-211

  Plan of Port Royal                                    _facing page_ 260

  Laurencefield in 1923                                               316

  Cabaritta Island, Port Maria                                        316

  Llanrumney Hills                                                    348

  Llanrumney River                                                    348




  LIFE OF SIR HENRY MORGAN




  CHAPTER I

  HIS FAMILY AND HIS EARLY LIFE


The lively contemporary author of _The Bucaniers of America_
circumstantially relates that Henry Morgan was the son of a rich farmer
or yeoman in Wales, and that at an early age he had been kidnapped and
sold, or had bound himself voluntarily as a hired servant for a term of
four years to a planter in the island of Barbadoes. This statement has
been accepted and repeated by many later writers. Morgan hotly
repudiated it, for on the publication of the English version of that
book in 1683, it was named in his actions for libel as being false and
malicious. The printed apology of William Crooke, its publisher,
dictated or at least approved by Morgan's solicitor, declares that
Morgan was "a Gentleman's son of good quality in the county of Monmouth,
and was never a Servant unto anybody in his life, unless unto his
Majesty, the late King of England."

The preface to _The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp_,
published in London in 1684, referring to Morgan, remarked that "it is
sufficiently known that he was descended from an honourable Family in
Monmouthshire, and went at first out of England with the Army commanded
by General Venables for Hispaniola and Jamaica."

Welsh genealogists of repute concur however in stating that he was the
eldest son of Robert Morgan of Llanrhymney, a small estate in
Glamorganshire, near Tredegar Castle, where he was born in 1635.[1] The
year of his birth is ascertained with tolerable certainty as an
affidavit made by him in Jamaica on the 21st November, 1671, definitely
states his age as thirty-six.

The family of Tredegar was recognized as the head of the clan, of which
the Morgans of Llanrhymney were a cadet branch. In a poem, entitled
"Prosopoeia Tredegar", believed to have been written by Percy Enderby
about 1661, the following lines occur:

  "And so LanRumney yet must bend the knee,
  And from Tredegar fetch their pedigree."[2]

Henry Morgan in fact claimed rather close relationship as in his will he
made a bequest to his sister, Catherine Lloyd "to be payed into the
hands of my ever-honest Cozen, Mr. Thomas Morgan of Tredegar."

Members of his family had already earned much distinction in recent
continental wars, notably Sir Thomas Morgan in command of the regiment
afterwards known as "The Buffs", who was governor of the fortress of
Bergen-op-Zoom in 1594, and General Sir Charles Morgan, who took part in
the siege of that place in 1621. Later two of Henry Morgan's uncles,
Edward and Thomas Morgan, younger brothers of his father, had become
soldiers of fortune under foreign flags. Both won considerable renown in
Germany and Holland and eventually attained high rank in England, having
returned to engage in the civil war on opposite sides. Edward Morgan,
who figures in Dutch records as "Heer van Lanrumnij", entered the royal
army and in 1649 was given a commission as Colonel-General of the King's
forces in South Wales under the Earl of Carbery. While in Germany he had
married Anna Petronilla, the only sister of Johan Ernst, Freiherr von
Poellnitz, governor of Lippstadt in Westphalia. When the triumph of the
Parliament was seen to be complete, he fled to the Netherlands and
afterwards lived in exile for several years with his brother-in-law on
the family estates at Aschbach near Bamberg. After the restoration he
returned to London to seek official favour and compensation for his
losses. In a memorial addressed to Mr. Secretary Bennet in 1663, he
asserted that he had forty years experience as a soldier.[3]

Thomas Morgan had fought in the wars of the Low Countries and Germany,
at one time under the French flag, and at another in the army of
Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar. On his return to England he took the side of
the Parliament. He first commanded a regiment of foot but in 1661 was
transferred to command a regiment of dragoons. He became Monck's chief
subordinate in the subjugation of Scotland and gained his esteem for
sound military judgment and trustworthiness. He was considered an expert
in the employment of artillery and the conduct of siege operations.
Having attained the rank of major-general and second in command in
Scotland he was recalled by Cromwell to act as second in command of the
expedition to Flanders, in which the "little, shrill-voiced, choleric
man," is admitted to have acted a more important part than his nominal
chief. He was wounded in the siege of Saint Venant and again in the
successful assault of Ypres, when he commanded all the English troops.
Having once more greatly distinguished himself in the battle of the
Dunes near Dunkirk, he was knighted by Richard Cromwell in November,
1658, when he was described as "being esteemed in the army next to the
general, [Monck], a person of the best conduct then in arms in the three
nations, having been nearly forty years and present in the greatest
battles and sieges of Christendom for a great part of that time." After
the restoration he was retained in the army and, in 1663, appointed
governor of the island of Jersey, then menaced with an invasion by the
French.[4]

Little reliable record has been found of the youth of Henry Morgan
beyond what he wrote himself in middle life, when, acting as governor of
Jamaica, he stated that: "The office of Judge Admiral was not given to
me for my understanding of the business better than others, nor for the
profitableness thereof, for I left the schools too young to be a great
proficient in that or other laws, and have been more used to the pike
than the book."[5] This want of education so frankly confessed was
probably due to the disturbed state of the country, as he was born too
late to take any very active part in the civil war and was still in his
twentieth year when the expedition commanded by Venables sailed from
Portsmouth in December, 1654.

Leslie must have relied on local tradition when he wrote fifty years
after Morgan's death:

    "His Father was a Farmer of pretty good Repute, and designed his
    Son for the same Way of Life; but his Inclinations were turned
    on another way; and finding his Father positive in his
    Resolution, bid him adieu and rambled to _Bristol_, where he
    bound himself a Servant for Four Years and was transported to
    Barbadoes; there he was sold and served his Master with a great
    deal of Fidelity."[6]

There may be some truth in this account and Morgan may have enlisted in
Venables's command at Barbados, as Ludlow relates that "they [Penn and
Venables] made proclamation there that whosoever would engage in the
undertaking should have their freedom, whereupon about two thousand
servants listed themselves to the great distress of the planters."[7]

In Colonel Thomas Modyford, speaker of the House of Assembly, Venables
found a most ardent and influential supporter, who persuaded that body
to offer sixty horsemen for the expedition, and give him permission to
recruit by beat of drum in public places, by which much ill will was
excited among the planters, some of whom did not hesitate to denounce
Modyford as a traitor to the interests of that island. But war with
Spain was always popular, as it was usually profitable, and many
volunteers were enrolled in the hope of plunder, expecting to take
"mountains of gold". Venables reported that he had raised three thousand
men but was unable to arm more than thirteen hundred. At Montserrat,
Nevis, and St. Kitt's smaller bodies were recruited, numbering in all
between twelve and thirteen hundred more and increasing his force to
seven thousand ill-trained and ill-armed men. Henry Morgan's name does
not appear in the list of officers which has been preserved, and his
service must have been in the ranks, but it seems likely that the nephew
of Thomas Morgan would be entitled to special consideration.

Owing to the misconduct of a considerable part of this hastily assembled
mob the invasion of Hispaniola failed disgracefully and even a month
after its successful landing in Jamaica an officer made the distasteful
confession: "We now find by sad experience that but few of them were old
Soldiers, but certainly most of them were Apprentices that ran from
their Masters, and others that came out of Bridewell, or one Gaol or
another, so that in our poor Army we have but few that either fear God
or reverence man."[8]

Yet several of the officers had sat as judges at the trial of the King
and had signed his death warrant, and among both officers and soldiers
there was a fair sprinkling of "Ironsides".

Cromwell's commission to Admiral Penn took the form of an incisive and
passionate manifesto, justifying his contemplated attack upon the
Spanish possessions in the West Indies as a rightful measure for
exacting reparation for past injuries and ensuring security for the
future. It fiercely denounced "the cruelties and inhuman practices of
the King of Spain exercised in America, not only upon the Indians and
natives but also upon the people of those nations inhabiting in those
parts, whom he hath, contrary to the common right and law of nations, by
force of arms driven from those places whereof they were the rightful
possessors; murdering many of their men, and leading others into
captivity; and to this very day doth not only deny to trade, or to have
any commerce with us or the people of those countries in any part of
America, but, contrary to the treaties between the two States, doth
exercise all acts of hostility against us, and this people there, as
against open and professed enemies, giving thereby and [by] the claim he
makes to all that part of the world by the colour of the pope's
donation, just grounds to believe that he intends the ruin and
destruction of all the English plantations, people and interest in those
parts."[9]

His peremptory demand that English merchants should be allowed the free
exercise of their religion in the Spanish dominions and that English
colonists and traders should no longer be treated as pirates in the West
Indies had in fact been curtly rejected. "To ask for liberty from the
Inquisition and free sailing in the West Indies", said the Spanish
ambassador, "was to ask for his master's two eyes", and no concession
would be made on either point. Venables was consequently given full
liberty of action. "The design in general", he was told, "is to gain an
interest in that part of the West Indies in the possession of the
Spaniard; for the effecting whereof we shall not tie you up to a method
by any particular instructions."[10]

From Hispaniola the baffled English commanders made their way to
Jamaica, thinly peopled and weakly garrisoned, where they had better
fortune. Inefficient as the land forces were, the conquest of the
inhabited part of the island was easily accomplished, with the exception
of a considerable portion of the hilly pasture lands on its north side
to which the governor with most of the Spanish planters and their slaves
retired, and with the aid of reinforcements from Cuba and Porto Rico,
waged an intermittent but tantalizing and costly guerilla warfare with
the invaders for five years before they were finally expelled. From the
first the Spanish court had recognized the distressing prospect that
undisputed possession of the island would enable the English "to
obstruct the commerce of all the islands to the windward with the coasts
of the mainland and of New Spain. The fleets and galleons will run great
risk in passing Jamaica."[11] Its immediate recovery was seen to be an
object of vital importance. In fair weather with a favouring breeze the
passage from Cuba to the northern coast of Jamaica could be made with
ease and safety even by small undecked boats. Soldiers and workmen were
sent over in small parties, and several small forts were built by them.
Bands of maroons and negroes were encouraged to harass the invaders,
with some success, under the command of a mulatto, Juan Lubolo or Juan
de Bolas, whose memory is still perpetuated in the name of a river and
savanna. But although they thus succeeded in maintaining a substantial
foothold behind the central range of hills, they failed to recover any
lost ground.

After venting his displeasure upon the unlucky commanders of the
expedition for their failure to take Hispaniola, Cromwell decided to
retain and colonize their actual conquest and published a proclamation
describing Jamaica as "spacious in extent, commodious in its harbours
and rivers within itself, healthful by its situation, well stored with
horses and other cattle, and generally fit and worthy to be planted and
improved to the advantage, honour, and interest of this nation." Laws
and ordinances for its government were promulgated. Surveyors were
appointed to lay out lands for desirable settlers. It announced that all
"planters and adventurers to that island" would be exempted from paying
any excise or custom duty "on goods and necessaries transported thither
for seven years, and that no customs or other tax or impost would be
laid upon any product imported from thence into any other English
possession for the next ten years," dating in each case from the
following Michaelmas, and that no embargo would be imposed during that
period on any ships or seamen sailing for Jamaica. The struggling
colonists of New England, who had begun to despond, were invited "to
remove themselves or such numbers of them as shall be thought
convenient, out of those parts where they now are to Jamaica."[12]

Many English people were firmly convinced that Spain was a cruel and
implacable national enemy. Cromwell proclaimed this doctrine insistently
in his speech to Parliament on 17th September, 1656.

    "Abroad," he said, "our great enemy is the Spaniard. He is a
    natural enemy, by reason of that enmity that is in him against
    whatsoever is of God." No satisfaction could be obtained either
    for the denial of freedom of conscience to the English traders
    in Spain or for "the blood of our poor people shed in the West
    Indies. The truth is that no peace is possible with any popish
    state. Sign what you will with one of them, that peace is but to
    be kept so long as the pope says 'Amen' to it.... The Spaniard
    hath an interest in your bowels. The Papists in England have
    been accounted Spanielised ever since I was born. They never
    regard France; they never regarded any Papist state. Spain was
    their patron."[13]

In his opinion the contest was a just and holy war. He promised liberal
supplies to General Fortescue, to whom Venables had turned over the
command of the troops. "We think it much designed and it is much
designed amongst us," he assured him, "to strive with the Spaniard for
the mastery of all those seas." His mind had been strongly impressed by
proposals for an easy conquest of other Spanish provinces in America,
laid before him by Thomas Modyford of Barbados and the renegade priest,
Thomas Gage.[14]

His instructions to Admiral Goodson, Penn's successor, declared that the
war must be carried on in the spirit of a crusade. "Set up your banners
in the name of Christ," he wrote to him with his wonted fervour, "for
undoubtedly it is his cause. And let the reproach and shame that hath
been for your sins and the misguidance of some lift up your hearts to
confidence in the Lord, and for the redemption of his honour from men
who attribute their success to their idols, the work of their own
hands.... The Lord himself hath a controversy with your enemies; even
with that Roman Babylon of which the Spaniard is the great
underpropper. In this respect we fight the Lord's battles."[15]

He intended to make Jamaica the base for very extensive offensive
operations against the Spaniards both by land and sea. These were
delayed by frequent unforeseen changes in the command. Fortescue died
after holding it only for three months. Colonel Edward D'Oyley was
chosen to succeed him by his fellow officers. Major Robert Sedgewick
soon after arrived from England to replace Winslow, the Protector's
civil commissioner, who had also fallen a victim to disease, and
superseded D'Oyley. The army was much reduced by sickness and desertion.
Being warned by letters from England, confirmed by statements of
prisoners, that a great "armado" was under orders to sail from Spain for
the West Indies, both D'Oyley and Sedgewick gave some attention to
fortifying the excellent harbour of Cagua, afterwards known as Port
Royal.

Attacks by parties of fugitive slaves gave them much annoyance and
sometimes inflicted serious loss of life. "They have", so Sedgewick
reported, "no moral sense, and do not understand what the laws and
customs of civil nations mean; we know not how to capitulate or treat
with them; but be assured they must either be destroyed or brought in
upon some terms or other, or else they will prove a great discouragement
to the settling of the Country."[16]

Fortescue had described the island as "a fruitful and pleasant land and
a fit receptacle for honest men." Sedgewick had confirmed this report,
and on the 4th of January, 1656, he published a proclamation jointly
with Admiral Goodson, urging the soldiers to cultivate plots of land
which would be allotted for them. Some of the officers opposed this by
presenting a petition in the name of their men, advising the entire
abandonment of the island. But Goodson kept his squadron of ships
actively employed. His cruisers lay in wait for Spanish ships and
brought in many prizes. Embarking some soldiers he took Santa Marta and
Rio de la Hacha, two ports of some importance on the mainland of
Veragua. But Sedgewick gave him grudging support in these distant
excursions, which he did not fail to condemn as both impolitic and
unprofitable.

"We are not able", he complained, "to possess any place we attack, and
so are in no hope thereby to effect our intention of dispensing anything
of the true knowledge of God to the inhabitants. To the Indians and
blacks we shall make ourselves appear a cruel, bloody, and ruinating
people, which will cause them, I fear, to think us worse than the
Spaniard."[17]

Intercepted letters and the admissions of prisoners soon convinced him
that the negro guerillas would be reinforced by Spanish soldiers, who
could land on the north shore of the island unnoticed and unopposed.

"If neither soldiers nor planters do come hither," D'Oyley gloomily
declared in April, 1656, "we cannot long keep the place, the advantages
of the enemy being able to poise the difference in numbers."

The mortality among officers and soldiers was appalling. Sedgewick's
sudden death in June replaced D'Oyley in command for a few months, until
he was again superseded by the arrival of Major General William Brayne
with a thousand raw recruits.[18] This did not greatly improve the
situation, as Brayne reported in the following April.

"The soldiers are forced to neglect the strictness of their martial duty
by rambling abroad to seek a livelihood; so that if the enemy from Spain
should attempt us in this condition, I greatly fear the soldiers would
make but a weak resistance, their spirits have been so dejected for want
of necessary food and raiment. But many of the officers seem resolved
(through the assistance of God), to sell their lives as dearly as they
can."[19]

Brayne died early in September, 1657, leaving a blank commission given
him by Cromwell, filled in with the name of D'Oyley, who was at once
obliged to make active exertions to repel an invasion. Small bands of
Spanish soldiers had landed from time to time and placed themselves
under the orders of Don Christoval Arnaldo Yssasi, who had been given a
commission as governor of Jamaica. One company of these men came from
Havana, another from San Domingo, and a third from Porto Rico. They were
joined by two companies of zealous volunteers formed of refugees from
Jamaica at Santiago de Cuba. The whole body did not much exceed five
hundred of all ranks. Still, it formed a substantial reinforcement to
the guerillas, who had already given so much annoyance.

Many years before the Spaniards had opened a bridle path and rough cart
track quite across the island at nearly its widest part, connecting
Sevilla Nueva (St. Ann's Bay), on the northern shore with Puerto de
Esquivella (Old Harbour), on the southern. It wound through dense woods
and rocky gorges and was little known and very difficult. Vestiges of it
are still pointed out as the "old Spanish road". Their war parties had
generally advanced by it. The steepness of the passes and dangers of
ambushes were sufficient to discourage effective pursuit by this route.
The only prudent manner of reaching the enemy was by the sea.

Major Richard Steevens accordingly embarked, and passing around the
eastern end of the island attacked one body of Spaniards at St. Ann's
Bay, D'Oyley reported, at the head of a party "of Stout, Well, and
Willing men, to whom about Sixty of our Officers joyned, Volunteers,
exceedingly desirous of action after so long a cessation." On their
approach the Spaniards dispersed in a complete panic and hid themselves
in the neighbouring forest. "So finding the vanity of following them in
the Woods and Mountains, we left them," D'Oyley concluded.

Many privateers and buccaneers of several nations, who had long haunted
the petty island of Tortuga and the adjoining coast of Hispaniola, had
gladly availed themselves of the safer harbour and more convenient base
of operations at Cagua, and some of them had been given
letters-of-marque against Spain by Brayne or D'Oyley. Yssasi, who was
vigilant and alert in gathering information, reported that in "that
port there were generally fifteen or twenty vessels, some entering, some
leaving, with a reserve of eight ships of war." He added that D'Oyley
had held a general muster and review of all his troops in March and
found that he had three thousand foot, many of them boys, and the
greater part serving through compulsion.[20]

A prisoner taken in a canoe on his way to Cuba told D'Oyley that three
hundred Spaniards were forming a magazine at Las Chorreras (Ocho Rios)
and fortifying it in the expectation of being reinforced. Leaving one
hundred men to guard their plantations, he promptly embarked the
remainder of the troops under Steevens in a small warship and sailed to
attack this party. A ship just coming over from Cuba with soldiers and
supplies was driven off before it could reach land, and D'Oyley then
disembarked his force in a bay six miles further west, as he found no
suitable landing place nearer the enemy. Marching through the woods he
was attacked from an ambush, but his men being well prepared for this by
his orders, fired a single volley in reply and instantly charged,
routing their assailants and pursuing them so fiercely that few were
able to regain the shelter of their stockade, which was built "with
great Trees and Flankers". Placing a third of his force in reserve
D'Oyley advanced to its assault with the rest. There was "a stiff
dispute" for three-quarters of an hour, until the storming party cut a
passage through the palisades with their hatchets, when most of their
opponents tried to escape by running out over the rocks and throwing
themselves into the bay in spite of the desperate efforts of their
officers to rally them, "yet made not such haste", D'Oyley wrote, "but
that they left One hundred and twenty or thereabouts dead on the place,
and many wounded, amongst whom were most of the Officers; the Mastre del
Campo, Don Francisco de Prencia, by means of a Prisoner of ours, whom he
kept by him, got quarter, and some others whom we found in the Rocks
whom (though we had received barbarous usage from them) we could not
kill in cold blood."[21]

Eighteen prisoners were taken, but according to the Spanish account,
D'Oyley had greatly exaggerated the number killed. They lost nearly all
their arms and ammunition, as well as the whole of the provisions they
had so laboriously collected, including large quantities of dried beef
and cassava. Many fugitives were believed to have perished miserably in
the woods, and some surrendered in despair in a state of starvation. The
English lost only four men killed and ten wounded.

"The King of Spain's affairs do very much fail in these parts," D'Oyley
added exultantly in his official letter, "and his Trade is almost
brought to nothing by the many private Men of War of _English_ and
_French_ and ours are still abroad to annoy them."

Among the ships thus taken or destroyed were three loaded with supplies
for the Spaniards in Jamaica.

The Spanish government was goaded into making still greater efforts to
recover its lost possession. The governors of Havana, Santiago, Porto
Rico, and San Domingo were all instructed to send immediate assistance
to Yssasi, who clung obstinately to his foothold in the recesses of the
hills. The viceroy of Mexico was given supreme control of these
operations. Two small squadrons of ships were equipped, conveying 950
soldiers with provisions and other supplies, which were safely landed at
the mouth of the Rio Nuevo on the northern shore of Jamaica some time in
May, 1658. Yssasi had been instructed to make every effort to hold his
ground. The number of soldiers actually landed was reported to be only
557 of all ranks, under command of Sargento-Mayor Don Alvaro de Rasperu,
formed into thirty-one companies of foot. They began at once to fortify
a strong position on a steep, rocky hill overlooking the bay, now known
as "the Cliff", which they called the Camp of the Conception. Yssasi
joined them with his followers and there they remained undiscovered and
unmolested for twelve days, when some English warships, cruising along
the coast, observed three strange sail anchored near the land but were
prevented by calms and variable winds from attacking them closely. In
the night these Spanish ships made their escape unseen, having landed
six small iron guns for the defence of the camp. When this news reached
D'Oyley at Cagway, he lost no time in assembling a council of war which
began a discussion, he wrote, "whether it were most advantageous to
assault them presently, or let them partake of the distemper and want of
the country; and when sickness weakened them to attempt them then,
though much might have been and was urged, how invaders were to be used
with delayes, &c., the exceeding desire of the officers and soldiers to
be doing with them cut off all debates and termed a sudden resolution to
fall on them before they were fortified."[22]

Seven hundred and fifty men were embarked in six of the ships in the
service of the Commonwealth, which sailed from Cagway on June 11. Eleven
days later this expedition, commanded by D'Oyley himself, anchored in
the little bay of Rio Nuevo, and the soldiers were landed under distant
gun-fire from the Spanish camp. They were opposed near the shore by two
companies of Spaniards and a band of fifteen or twenty negroes, who
defended an advanced post with great obstinacy until a third of them
were killed and many others wounded. At the same time the guns of the
English ships bombarded the camp with little effect, "the place being of
so vast a height, they could bear to doe them little harme."[23]

Ladders were made for the escalade of the stockade, which was plainly
seen to be of considerable height on the face nearest them. In the
evening a drummer was sent with a summons to the commandant to
surrender, assuring him of honourable terms and a safe passage to his
own territory, but partly also to sound the depth of the river, which he
was obliged to ford. This man was civilly received by Yssasi himself,
who gave him twenty-five pieces of eight and sent a jar of sweetmeats
to D'Oyley with the reply that he was well provided with provisions,
ammunition, and brave men "that knew how to dye before they be
overcome."

Next morning, after instructing two of his ships to move to leeward as a
feint to distract the enemy's attention, and all the others to warp
inward as close to the shore as possible and keep up a brisk fire upon
the enemy's camp, D'Oyley began his march through the tangled woods to
get at the other side of the intrenchment. After fording the river
higher up, his advanced guard surprised a working party occupied in
building a breastwork, who ran away crying that "all the world was
coming." The hill was then climbed with great difficulty on its steepest
side, and the storming party discovered with great joy that the rampart
had not been built to its full height on that front. "Wee ordered our
business with our forlorne ladders and hand grenades," D'Oyley stated,
"and without any further dispute received their shott, and rann up to
their flankers, which in a quarter of an hour wee gained. Many of them
made a shift to runn out of the works, and ours followed their chase
about three or four miles. The seamen likewise seeing them runn along
the rocks, came out with their boats, and killed many of them."

A battle in those days, as soon as either body took to its heels to
escape, almost invariably became a pitiless butchery of the
panic-stricken fugitives. D'Oyley reported that about three hundred
Spaniards were killed, including the sargento-mayor, several other
officers, and two priests. About a hundred, including six captains, were
made prisoners. All their cannon, many muskets, a great supply of
ammunition and provisions, the King of Spain's standard, and ten other
flags were taken. In the assault six English officers and twenty-three
soldiers had been killed and thirty-four were wounded, some of them
mortally.

"Thus hath the Lord made knowne his salvation," D'Oyley devoutly
affirmed, "His righteousness hath so openly showed in the sight of the
heathen."[24]

His victory was largely due to his own efficient leadership.

William Burrough, "stewart-general" of the expedition, related that he
had "seen a great deal of bloody work in his time, both by land and sea,
but never saw any action carried on with so much cheerfulness as this
was, the Commander-in-Chief, Colonel D'Oyley telling the soldiers that a
great deal of England's glory lay at stake, and therefore hoped they
would consider it accordingly, going himself from party to party, and
following the forlorn in a very signal habit. His gallant behaviour was
answered both by officers and soldiers with a silent cheerful obedience,
and through God's gracious goodness there was found such a joint
unanimous willingness to the work that the truth is it was of God and it
hath exceedingly endeared us to one another since we came here."[25]

Colonel Samuel Barry, being "an eye-witness and principal actor herein",
was chosen by D'Oyley to carry his letter and the captured flags to the
Protector, but when he arrived in England he learned that Cromwell was
dead, so that he "never had one syllable of anything that was grateful
from the vastest expense and greatest design that was ever made by the
English."[26]

In fact D'Oyley's success was so complete that although Yssasi escaped
unhurt, he was never able to collect more than 150 followers and was
obliged to hide among the hills, wandering from place to place near the
north coast in the vain hope of relief. His most active adherent, the
negro, Juan Lubolo, deserted him and joined the English. He then became
extremely disheartened. "This", he wrote, "is very serious news, both
because twelve slaves had been taken prisoners from the defeated
settlement as well as because all these negroes are very capable and
experienced, not only as to roads, but as to all the mountains and most
remote places, are hunters and ready for anything."

After enduring an extremity of hardship, hunger, and privation, Yssasi's
worst forebodings were fulfilled. On the 26th of February, 1660,
Lieut.-Colonel Tyson with a party of only eighty men, guided over the
mountains by some of these negroes, surprised his camp at Rio Hoja, near
Moneague, killed his chief lieutenant and fifty others, took a few
prisoners, and dispersed the rest of his men beyond recall. The English
leader reported that Yssasi "ran so nimbly as to save himself from being
taken."

Negotiations were begun for a treaty of surrender, but failed. A boat
bringing supplies from Cuba was captured in the bay of Ocho Rios, making
further resistance all but hopeless. Two large canoes were fashioned out
of cottonwood logs, sails were improvised from hunters' sheets, Yssasi
embarked with his remaining adherents at the little harbour, which has
ever since been known as Runaway Bay, and safely crossed the hundred
miles of tranquil water that separated him from Cuba. Spanish dominion
over any part of Jamaica had come to an end. Some hundreds of
impoverished fugitives found an asylum at Bayano, Santiago, and
Trinidad, where they obtained lands and continued for the next ten years
to cherish hopes of regaining their lost possessions, and form fruitless
plans for that object. They seem even to have been officially informed
that the exiled King of England had promised to restore Jamaica to Spain
if he regained his throne.

Admiral Goodson had returned to England, but he had been succeeded in
command of his small squadron by Captain Christopher Mings, who was not
less active and enterprising and received cordial support from D'Oyley,
who was not troubled by the conscientious scruples of Sedgewick. Taking
on board his ships a few hundred soldiers, Mings sailed for the Spanish
Main, where he easily took and sacked the flourishing and wealthy towns
of Coro and Cumana, returning, it is stated, "with more plunder than
ever was brought to Jamaica", which enriched many of its inhabitants.
The privateers were encouraged in consequence to undertake other
expeditions. More private ships of war were equipped and provided with
commissions by the governor.

The astonishing news of the restoration of the monarchy became known in
Jamaica late in July, 1660, and must have caused serious alarm and
anxiety in the minds of many veteran officers and soldiers of the
Commonwealth. Some of them had faithfully served the Parliament or the
Protector for nearly twenty years. Two or more were liable to be
denounced and brought to trial as regicides. Lands in proportion to
their military rank had been assigned to all of them, but no patents had
been issued. Were they now to be deprived of their hardly-won conquest,
completed only a few months before, and lose the rewards promised them?

There were, in truth, good grounds for their fears. The King of Spain
lost little time in sending the Prince de Ligne as an ambassador
extraordinary to demand in due form, under the terms of a secret treaty,
sanctioned during his exile by King Charles II, the restitution of the
island of Jamaica and the fortress of Dunkirk, wrested from him by the
armies of the Commonwealth. This envoy made his entry into London with
great pomp, "accompanied with divers greate persons from thence, and an
innumerable retinue. Greater bravery had I not seene", John Evelyn wrote
with his accustomed candour.

But the merchants of the city at once combined to oppose the cession.
Ten days later the King received their addresses in his closet, "giving
them assurance of his persisting to keepe Jamaica, choosing Sir Edw.
Massey governor." The Privy Council readily confirmed this decision. The
Spanish ambassador was informed that His Majesty did not find himself
obliged by the terms of any treaty "se rendre ces deux places de
Jamaique et Dunquerque." The House of Commons declared its hearty
approval.[27]

Nothing was known of this in Jamaica until 29th May, 1661, exactly a
year after the King's return, when D'Oyley received his commission and
royal instructions as governor. He had already sternly suppressed a
republican insurrection, whose leaders, Colonels Raymond and Tyson, had
been tried by court martial and shot as mutineers. The publication of a
proclamation in the name of Charles, "King of England and Lord of
Jamaica", greatly relieved the fears of the people. By it they were
informed that the governor had been instructed to encourage agriculture
and commerce and allot and register grants of land. A census of the
population and land under cultivation, taken soon afterwards, showed a
total of 2,458 men, 454 women, 44 children, 584 negroes, 618 arms, and
2,588 planted acres.[28]

Negotiations with Spain were still being carried on for a treaty of
amity and commerce. On the 5th of February, 1662, D'Oyley, in accordance
with later royal instructions as General-in-Chief, published a second
proclamation at Point Cagway, addressed to "all Governors of Islands,
captains of ships, officers and soldiers under his command", announcing
that "His Majesty having commanded a cessation of hostilities, they are
hereby ordered to cease from all acts of hostility against the King of
Spain or any of his subjects", and all captains of ships of war at sea
with his commissions were required to return with all speed to receive
further orders. The actual effect of this document was probably
insignificant, as its circulation must have been limited, and the
privateers of that day had a convenient habit of turning a blind eye on
all such instructions when it suited them and were accustomed to
announce bluntly that "there was no peace beyond the line."[29] As the
Reverend Thomas Fuller quaintly put it, "The Case was clear in
sea-divinity, and few are such infidels as not to believe doctrines
which make for their profit."[30]

A legislative council of twelve members, including a secretary, was
formed under the presidency of the governor, which proceeded to enact
ordinances and levy taxes for the expenses of the civil government,
estimated at first at 1,640 per annum. Judges and justices of the
peace were appointed, most of them as a matter of course being officers
of the army. Colonel Philip Ward was commissioned as chief justice, to
be soon succeeded by Colonel Samuel Barry. In confirming a sentence of
death passed by the court, D'Oyley grimly remarked that it was necessary
"to let them see that the law could do as much as a court martial."[31]

Immigrants arrived in considerable numbers from Barbados, Nevis,
Bermuda, and even from New England. They were allotted tracts of land
and began planting and breeding horses, horned cattle, and hogs. The
willingness of many persons to migrate then from one colony to another
whenever they became discontented with their condition deserves notice.
At the end of the civil war and the subsequent hostilities with Spain,
many soldiers and seamen had been discharged and were obliged by debt or
poverty to seek a living out of England. Numbers of adventurous,
reckless men gradually made their way to the West Indies in the hope of
making a fortune as planters or privateers, preferring as a rule the
latter occupation.

Such a man of "desperate fortune" was Sir Thomas Whetstone, a nephew of
Oliver Cromwell, but a royalist of such unquestioned fidelity that he
had been employed by the King while in exile on a special mission to the
Baltic squadron to win over its commander, Edward Mountague. After the
restoration he had become extremely dissipated, and in September, 1661,
he humbly petitioned Secretary Nicholas for assistance to save him from
perishing miserably through starvation, being then confined for debt in
the Marshalsea prison, without any prospect of release. Nicholas advised
the Lord Chancellor that it was expedient to advance Whetstone a hundred
pounds to enable him to obtain his liberty and remove to Jamaica. This
must have been done, as two years later Whetstone was in chief command
of a small squadron of Jamaican privateers, and in October, 1664, he was
elected a member of the newly constituted House of Assembly, for the
parish of St. Catherine, and was chosen as its first Speaker.[32]

D'Oyley was worn out by a long term of arduous service in the tropics,
and soon requested to be relieved of his office and given permission to
return to England. Early in the summer of 1662, he was informed that his
application had been granted and that Thomas, Lord Windsor (afterwards
Earl of Plymouth) had been appointed to succeed him. The new governor
was given new royal instructions, by one article of which he was
directed to "grant such commissions as to you may seem requisite for the
subduing of all our enemies by sea and land, within and upon the Coast
of America."[33]

His additional instructions, dated a few weeks later, contained the
following significant and outstanding article.

    "You shall endeavour by all fitting means to obtain and preserve
    a good correspondence and free commerce with the plantations and
    territories belonging to the King of Spain, for all such our
    subjects as shall trade there with security to their persons,
    ships, and goods, and with regulations for the benefit of trade
    as shall seem to you and the council most advantageous to the
    same; but if the governor of the King of Spain shall refuse to
    admit our subjects to trade with them, you shall in such case
    endeavour to procure and settle a trade with his subjects in
    those parts _by force, and by doing any such acts upon and
    against them as you and the council shall judge most proper to
    oblige them to admit you to a free trade with them_ according to
    your commission and the instructions now given you herein or
    which you shall hereafter receive from us declaring whom we have
    treated and accounted as enemies to us."[34]

He was commanded to disband the army and distribute ten thousand pounds
among the officers and soldiers as gratuities for their past service.
Four hundred foot soldiers and one hundred and fifty horsemen were to
be kept "under command and discipline as long as shall be thought fit
for the preservation of the island with two ships of war constantly
plying upon that coast." Two thousand pounds were granted for
"perfecting the fort of Cagway".

A royal proclamation was published, describing the great fertility and
great advantages of the island, and offering a free grant of thirty
acres of land to every person over twelve years of age then residing in
it or who should remove to it in two years. It ended with the
declaration: "And we doe further publish and declare that all the
children of our naturall borne subjects of England, to bee borne in
Jamaica, shall from their respective births, bee reputed to bee free
denizens of England; and shall have the same privileges, to all intents
and purposes, as our free borne subjects of England."[35]

The captain of the _Great Charity_ bound for Jamaica was authorized by a
special act of the Privy Council "by the sound and beating of drums in
the cities of London and Westminster and the suburbs thereof to invite
any person or persons to transport themselves in the said ship to the
said island."[36]

After his arrival at Barbados, Windsor made a downright effort to
execute his orders peacefully, by sending the frigate _Griffin_ with
messages to the governors of Porto Rico and San Domingo, requesting
liberty of trade with those islands. In both cases his application was
curtly refused. Windsor arrived at Cagway, to which he gave the
appropriate name of Port Royal, on August 11, and at once assembled the
council to make them acquainted with his instructions, which he asserted
gave power to make peace with the Spaniards or to declare war upon them
if they refused commercial intercourse. The fear of another invasion
from Cuba had not subsided, and Santiago was believed to be the most
likely place where such an expedition would be fitted out. An attack
upon that town and fortress had been already proposed more than once. It
had been considered immediately after the first landing in Jamaica.
Sedgewick had written to Thurloe in November, 1655, that "The Admiral
was intended before our coming in to have taken some few soldiers and
gone over to Saint Jago de Cuba, a town upon Cuba, but our coming
hindred him, without whom, we could not well tell how to do anything."

On 24th January, 1656, he announced that the plan had been given up. "We
had long since attempted St. Jago de Cuba", he said, "could our army
have afforded us but 500 men, but from the full intelligence we had of
the strength of the place, we thought it not convenient to hazard our
chief sea forces without a sufficient number of men to land." Admiral
Goodson also reported that "the numbers of the soldiers had been so
thinned by disease that they had not men enough to secure their own
quarters."[37]

The situation was now much more favourable, as many of the disbanded
soldiers were eager to undertake any enterprise which promised to be
profitable. With a single exception all the members of the council had
been officers in the army and their voice favoured open war. They
promptly passed a resolution declaring that "the letters of the
governors of Porto Rico and San Domingo were in absolute denial of
trade, and that _according to His Majesty's instructions to Lord Windsor
a trade by force or otherwise was to be attempted_." They further stated
their opinion that the proclamation commanding a cessation of
hostilities applied only to Europe.

A month was then allowed to pass, during which probably more
intelligence was obtained. At a meeting held on September 18, the
council passed a resolution directing that men should be forthwith
enlisted "for a design with the _Centurion_ and other vessels provided
that they be not servants or persons who sell or desert their
plantations for the purpose."

The redoubtable Christopher Mings had been recalled to England to answer
for his successful raids on the coast towns of the Spanish Main, but had
apparently justified his conduct to the satisfaction of his superiors
and had resumed command of the naval force at Jamaica. He was a
rough-tongued, ready-witted, practical seaman, who had begun his service
as a cabin-boy, or in the sailor's phrase, "had entered the service by
the hawsehole and worked his way aft." With him began a sort of
apostolic succession of cabin-boys, who became admirals and knights. One
of his cabin-boys became Admiral Sir John Narborough, who had in his
turn a cabin-boy, who became still more famous as Admiral Sir Cloudesley
Shovel. Mings, to borrow the words of Pepys, "was a very stout man, and
a man of great parts, and a most excellent tongue among ordinary men."
He liked to boast that his father was a shoemaker and his mother a
hogman's daughter, and was ever a favourite with the rough, illiterate
sailors, whom he commanded with unvarying success.[38]

From his former expeditions he had brought to Jamaica booty valued at
200,000 or as much as 300,000, but being accused of some
irregularities in the distribution of the prize-money, D'Oyley had
suspended him from command, and described him with veiled sarcasm as
"the wonder-working captain of the Marston Moor". Another military
officer maliciously referred to him as "a proud-speaking, vain fool and
a knave in cheating the state and robbing the merchants." But his
popularity in Jamaica was unimpaired by these accusations, for, as a
contemporary writer stated, "Not a man in the island but can say that he
has reaped a benefit of that action."[39]

As many of the disbanded soldiers were very poor and possessed small
means of cultivating their lands, they gladly enlisted for this
expedition, and about thirteen hundred men, mostly former soldiers of
the army of the Commonwealth, were assembled and equipped in a week.
Eleven ships, most of them privateers, were quickly fitted out and
provisioned, having, however, the _Centurion_, a fourth-rate frigate of
the Royal Navy, carrying forty-six guns and a crew of 180 men, as the
flagship of Commodore Mings. Formal instructions for him were prepared
by the governor, and he set sail from Point Cagway on September 21,
"with great hopes of a large booty." Calms and contrary winds retarded
the fleet in rounding the windward end of the island, as was usually the
case. "On the 25th", Mings reported, "we encountred Sir Thomas Whetstone
in Pacazo with a family of Indians, whose intelligence assured us of noe
aditional forces in St. Jago upon Cuba, and likewise rectified our
former advice beeing most by English prisoners, whose restraints there
gave them not the advantage of a full discovery. At a councell of warr
itt was judged feasable and upon debate resolved the manner of atempting
itt which was to land in the harbour, the mouth of which was very
strongly fortefied."

Still much delayed by calms and variable breezes, the grey stone tower
of the castle of Santiago on its lofty cliff did not come in sight until
the morning of October 5, and the wind continued so faint that the ships
did not succeed in approaching the harbour's narrow entrance until late
that afternoon. When within half a mile of the shore a land breeze rose,
which made it dangerous to venture into that narrow winding channel
leading into a land-locked bay, which would not admit of the passage of
more than one ship at a time. The depth of water forbade them from
attempting to cast anchor with safety near the castle. A strong surf
beat upon the reefs and as the great height of the cliffs intercepted
the wind and formed eddies and gusts, the ships seemed in great danger
of drifting upon the jagged rocks along shore. The plan of attack was
quickly changed, and orders were given to make a landing at the little
wharf of Aguadores, about two miles to the windward or east of the
castle, "the only place possible to march for the towne, on all that
rocky coast."

According to a Spanish account, which seems reliable, Mings's fleet had
by that time been increased to eighteen sail, and he landed nine hundred
men, who, the writer justly remarks, were not buccaneers but seasoned
soldiers discharged from service since the completion of the conquest of
Jamaica. As the Spaniards had expected an attack upon the castle and
neighbouring batteries protecting the harbour's mouth, the
disembarkation was quite unopposed. Some inhabitants fled to the town to
give the alarm.

    "Before our whole party was on shore itt was night," Mings
    wrote, "the place rocky and narrow, wee were forced to advance
    the van in the wood to make way to the reare to land, the path
    so narrow that but one man could march at a tyme, the way soe
    difficult and the night soe dark that wee were forced to make
    stand and fires, and our guides with brands in their hands to
    beat the path."

The country over which they advanced is cut up with gullies and ledges
of jagged rock, now thickly overgrown with gnarled trees and a tangle of
tropic underwood firmly rooted in the clefts and fissures, which is
scarcely penetrable. Yet the movement was continued with such
perseverance that at daybreak the vanguard arrived at a plantation by
the riverside six miles from the landing-place, and only three miles
from the town. There a halt was made to eat and drink. Then being
favoured by daylight and a passable road the march was cautiously
resumed.

Don Pedro de Morales, governor of Santiago and a good soldier, had been
informed early in the evening before that the English were landing in
great force. Having only a garrison of about two hundred regular
soldiers, he determined to defend the town, and called in all the
militia of the neighbouring populous settlement to his assistance. Among
them were many refugees from Jamaica, who seem to have imposed upon him
by a boastful show of courage. All night long the people of the town
were busy in removing their families and concealing their valuable
property in the woods. Morales with 170 soldiers and a few of the
bravest emigrants and peasants awaited the attack at the entrance of the
main street, which had been hastily barricaded with raw hides and casks
of earth, and two guns were mounted to command the road, while the
reserve of about five hundred militia was commanded by Yssasi, "the ould
Governor of Jamaica (and a good friend to the English)" as Mings
ironically described him. The town, though of course much smaller, was
then as now built on the north-eastern side of the spacious triangular
basin, forming the inner harbour, securely sheltered from every wind by
rugged hills and ridges.

The English rushed forward with loud shouts in the face of a general
discharge of artillery and musketry, which being ill-aimed and
ill-timed, did them little harm, scaled the barricades, and scattered
their opponents.

"With themselves and the helpe of Don Christopher, who fairely ran
away," Mings stated, "wee routed the rest, a pursueing them divers waies
through the towne of which beeing masters, Some 6 small vessels were
swam too and possessed by our soldiers, their men through feare diserted
them."[40]

The rest of that day was spent by the victors in ransacking the deserted
buildings, and afterwards, while resting, in considering what they
should do next. In the morning five hundred men in several parties were
sent out in different directions in pursuit of the fugitives, and a
hundred seamen went back to reinforce the fleet, which had been left
weakly manned, with orders to attack the defences of the harbour, "with
assurance at the same tyme wee would not fayle them with a considerable
party to atempt the inward and most esential works."

At the appointed hour, eleven o'clock on the following day, the ships
deftly felt their way into and through the channel under the fire of the
guns of the tall stone castle, called the "Morro" or "San Pedro de la
Roca", which so proudly crowned the precipitous cliff on the eastern
side. The soldiers, who had taken the town so easily, advanced at the
same time against its outworks on the landside, with their usual fierce
shouts and menacing gestures, which so terrified their weak garrison,
consisting only of a subaltern and thirty men, that they retired hastily
into the citadel. This stronghold was also soon abandoned by them, after
firing only two musket-shots, on the advance of a storming party.
Hitherto this fortress had been deemed nearly impregnable, and it might
easily have been held by a sufficient force, as it occupied the crest of
a steep, rocky promontory and its walls facing the land were sixty-three
feet in height. It was armed with thirty-four cannon, and its walls
enclosed a church and quarters for a thousand soldiers.

The ships entered the inner harbour and the town was held for five days.
In conformity with the customary barbarous methods of the time in making
war, large parties were sent out daily to plunder and lay waste the
neighbouring plantations and settlements. Morales rallied some of his
men on the heights of El Caney and on the crags of the Sierra Maestra,
whence he watched the movements of the invaders, though he did not
venture to attack them. Yet he annoyed them at a distance, and
threatened to cut off their retreat by occupying the shores of the
inlet. Besides many sugar-works, a great part of the town, which was
said to contain two thousand houses, was destroyed.

"The yll offices that towne had don to Jamaica had soe exasperated the
souldiers," Mings declared, "that I had mutch adoo to keepe them from
fireing the churches." In fact the Spanish historian states that the
cathedral, rebuilt with great exertions by Bishop Cabezas and his
immediate successors, the governor's residence, and the hospital were
all destroyed to gratify their hostility.

On October 15, Mings embarked his men and returned in the ships to the
harbour's mouth, where the next four days were employed in dismantling
and destroying the castle and its outworks. Of the great quantity of
captured powder found there "700 barrels was spent in bloweing up the
mayne castle, the rest in country houses and platforms; and truly itt
was soe demolished as the greater part lyes levell with the foundation",
Mings exultantly reported. The lighter guns, made of brass or copper,
were carried away and the heavier iron cannon were rolled over the cliff
into the sea.

The capture of the second largest town in Cuba and the demolition of
this fortress, in the construction of which it was said that the King of
Spain had expended a hundred thousand pounds only a few years before,
was justly deemed an exploit of great importance. On October 22, the
victorious fleet sailed into the harbour at Port Royal with the ships
they had taken and much booty, consisting of sugar, hides, wine, silver
plate, some negro slaves, some captured artillery, and even some
church-bells, one of which may now be seen in the Institute of Jamaica.
Four of the brass cannon then taken were sent to London, where they were
exhibited as trophies in the Tower. The damage the expedition had caused
to the unhappy Cubans in ruined buildings and wasted plantations was
roughly estimated at five hundred thousand pounds, probably a
considerable exaggeration. Only six of the men engaged had been killed
in battle but twenty other lives had been lost by accident or
disease.[41]

The authority of the Duke of York, as Lord High Admiral of England,
under a recent commission had been extended to include all colonial
possessions. Commissions were at once issued by him to all governors of
colonies, appointing them Vice-Admirals and empowering them to establish
courts of admiralty in each of their governments. Accordingly, Lord
Windsor had appointed William Michell, a member of the Council, as Judge
of the admiralty court in Jamaica, with authority to hear complaints,
condemn lawful prizes, and impose penalties for infractions of the
recently enacted Navigation Acts. Of all captures so condemned and
declared lawful prizes, the King was entitled to receive one-fifteenth
and the Lord High Admiral one-tenth share, thus making them partners
with the privateers. The records of this court are still extant,
unpublished. Letters-of-marque against Spain were freely granted by Lord
Windsor, and the signal success of the raid upon Santiago having, it was
believed, removed all immediate danger of an invasion, many small
privateers put to sea in search of booty, while the _Centurion_ and some
smaller ships of the Royal Navy were retained in or near Port Royal for
its protection.[42]

All the male inhabitants capable of bearing arms were enrolled in the
militia, which was formed into five regiments. The regiment of Port
Royal, which then had a population, according to an official report, of
3,500, was completely supplied with arms, and officers were appointed,
among them being Captain Morgan. It is safe to infer that he had gained
much experience in his long apprenticeship in the art of war under such
capable commanders as D'Oyley and Mings, although no record has been
found of his actual service. He had certainly obtained promotion and
acquired sufficient means to build or buy and equip a small ship, for
which a commission as a privateer was granted him by Lord Windsor.

Having disbanded the army, organized the militia in its place, and taken
Santiago in less than three months, the governor sailed for England on
October 28, very well satisfied with his achievements, alleging
persistent ill health as a sufficient excuse for his hasty departure.
Pepys recorded his return with the scornful comment that "Lord Windsor
being come home from Jamaica unlooked for, makes us think that these
young lords are not fit to do any service abroad." He added that Lord
Windsor had informed the Duke of Albemarle "how he had taken a fort from
the Spaniards and how he fell sick at a certain degree of latitude, and
never got well (though he did take that fort) until he arrived at the
same place on his way home."[43]

Sir Charles Lyttleton, the deputy governor, took over the
administration, and Captain Christopher Mings was sworn as a member of
the Council, probably in recognition of his recent service. Early in
November some Spaniards arrived from Cuba under a pretence of trading,
but their subsequent conduct excited suspicion and the Council seriously
debated whether it was not probable that the people of that island,
enraged at the destruction of Santiago, were contemplating retaliation
and that these men were sent as spies. Five of the captured copper
cannon were ordered to be sold and the proceeds applied to the
completion of the fortification on "Point Cagua," which was officially
given the name of Fort Charles in honour of the King. All revenue due to
the Crown was called in and forty men were set at work to finish this
small fort. It then consisted only of a round tower of stone surrounded
by an embankment of sand. By the end of the year a new half-moon battery
was built and several guns mounted in it.[44]

Far from projecting an attack upon Jamaica, the people of Havana at that
time were actually menaced by famine from the great scarcity of grain
and all kinds of provisions. Don Juan de Salamanca, then governor of
Cuba, had sought relief from Vera Cruz in Mexico. It was seed-time, and
the militia of the city were dispersed in the country employed in
tilling the land, when the dismaying ill news was received on November 2
of the capture of Santiago. Although scarcely recovered from a severe
illness, Salamanca collected the militia and armed a thousand of them.
Forming a relieving force of two hundred regular soldiers and five
hundred militiamen, he took command of them, and began the long and
trying march overland to the assistance of the invaded province.
Arriving ten days later at Trinidad on the south coast, less than half
way to Santiago, he learned that the English had sailed away and turned
back. At the sight of their ruined dwellings and plantations the people
of Santiago had raised an outcry of fury against Morales, whom they
unjustly accused of slackness and incompetence. In self-defence he was
forced to arrest the sargento-mayor, treasurer, and other officials
suspected of fomenting discontent. In the midst of discord and scarcity
of food there could be little thought of any offensive against
Jamaica.[45]

The population of that island had in fact increased remarkably in the
past two or three years, chiefly by immigration from the other English
colonies in the West Indies. Captain John Wentworth had brought two
hundred from Bermuda. A census taken for the purpose of enrolling the
militia had reported 1,717 families consisting of 15,298 persons in
seven parishes, more than half of them being congregated at Port Royal
and in the vicinity of Spanish Town. Besides these about two thousand
were supposed to be scattered in five other more distant parishes, of
whom no exact account had been obtained. Nearly all were living in the
lowlands on the southern shore of the island, and there were very few
settlers on the north side, so much more exposed to raids of the
Spaniards.

The most notable of the recent immigrants was Colonel Thomas Modyford
from Barbados, who had been so helpful in securing recruits for the army
commanded by Venables, and was destined to take a very important part in
the public affairs and development of agriculture of the island. He was
a kinsman of General Monck, who since the restoration of the monarchy,
mainly by his efforts, had been created Duke of Albemarle and had great
influence.

    "What likewise contributed not a little to the Advantage of the
    Colony was the Removal of a great many Gentlemen of Estates from
    other Islands, who settled here", the well informed historian
    Leslie wrote, about 1740. "They knew that the Fertility of the
    Soil would make large Returns for their pains, and therefore
    many, but chiefly Sir Thomas Modiford, who before this had
    acquired a vast Estate in Barbados, left that place and settled
    in Jamaica, where he set about Improvements and shewed the
    Planters a fair way of getting rich; he taught them how to order
    the Cane, which before they were almost ignorant of; and with
    the greatest Good Nature gave them all the insight he could into
    the Methods of planting, cleaning, grinding, boiling, and curing
    the Cane. He soon patented vast Tracts of Land, and in a short
    time reduced it into such good order, that others led by his
    Example and Hope of Gain, pursued the same way and by Degrees
    they came to vie with any other of the Neighbours for the
    Quantity and Goodness of their Sugar and at last to outstrip
    them all."[46]

Encouraged by the surprising success of the raid upon Santiago, Sir
Charles Lyttleton and the Council were easily induced to approve a
proposal by the energetic Mings to conduct an expedition against some
unnamed town on the Spanish Main, for which the _Centurion_ and other
ships were fitted out and stocked with provisions. Many men were quickly
enlisted, who, as Colonel William Beeston recorded, "were ready enough
for all such enterprises."[47]

Fifteen hundred volunteers were embarked in the _Centurion_ and eleven
other ships, mostly privateers, and on the 12th of January, 1663, this
fleet sailed for the coast of Central America. Nothing was heard of it
for six weeks, when a privateer returned from the Bay of Campeachy with
the dispiriting report that three of the vessels had been wrecked, with
the loss of many lives. It was also stated that the Spaniards had been
warned of an intention to attack the city known as San Francisco de
Campeche, the only important place on the coast between Cape Catoche and
Vera Cruz. Its inhabitants had accordingly removed their families and
valuable goods to Merida in the interior. Fifteen hundred men had been
assembled for its defence, all the ships in the harbour had been
unrigged and their guns landed to arm the fortifications. Look-out
parties had been stationed all along that coast to give warning of the
approach of any enemy. This intelligence naturally excited great alarm
for the fate of the rest of the fleet, on which the future security of
the colony was justly believed to depend. Colonel Beeston, who dabbled
in astrology, had observed that "all the planets in the heavens were in
Mars ascendant of the Spanish nation", a combination which he
interpreted as pregnant with disaster for Jamaica.[48]

Next day this forecast seemed partly fulfilled by the unsuccessful
return of the veteran Colonel Barry, who had sailed some months before
with another band of volunteers in a large London privateer with a
commission from the governor to expel the French from Tortuga. The
captain of that ship had unexpectedly refused to co-operate when he
learned that resistance was probable. He had landed Barry and his men on
the desolate coast of Hispaniola and deserted them there to make their
way back as best they could.[49]

But before nightfall another small privateer arrived at Port Royal from
Campeachy with the pleasing news of the entire success of the
expedition, although the _Centurion_ and most of the other ships did not
return for more than a month, having had to contend with adverse winds
all that time.

San Francisco de Campeche they had found to be a fine town, seated on an
excellent harbour, and making a brave show as its houses were all built
of stone, generally of a single storey, with thick, strong walls, and
flat roofs, covered with blue or red pantiles. The citadel or castle,
built on a height to protect the town as well as the harbour, seemed
very strong and well armed with artillery. Having summoned the governor
to surrender, Mings waited in vain for an answer for three days. It is
said that he was advised to attack it by night, but replied that he
would be ashamed to steal a victory in the dark. Landing his men in
broad daylight, he marched boldly against it with all his drums beating
and trumpets sounding to give the Spaniards fair warning of his
approach. Three small redoubts or batteries were taken at the first
onset. The governor then attempted to defend the town, being "as it were
a castle, being a continued parcell of stone houses, flat at top and
very plentiful." After much hard fighting the Spaniards and their Indian
allies were driven out and pursued to the woods. Fourteen ships were
taken, "with much goods of many sorts." In the assault Captain Minor was
seriously wounded and, in all, thirty Englishmen were killed and many
more wounded. One was captured and taken to Merida, where he was closely
questioned, "civilly treated", and finally set at liberty. The Spanish
loss in killed was estimated at fifty. Many prisoners, both wounded and
unwounded, were taken, who were released when the fleet came away.[50]

This exploit once more revived the drooping spirits of the people of
Port Royal, and many greedy privateers again put out to sea on long
cruises. "The Sweete trade of privateering" was far more alluring than
the hard monotonous toil of planting sugar cane or raising cattle. An
imperfect list of the private ships of war afloat at that time contains
the names of eleven frigates and brigantines belonging to Jamaica,
commanded by Sir Thomas Whetstone, Captains Swart, Gaye, James, Cooper,
Morris, Brenning, Mansfield, Goodler, Blewfield, and Horder, manned by
740 men, English, Dutch, and Indians, and carrying eighty-one guns,
besides four other ships, whose names and those of their commanders are
not given. Three small ships carrying twelve guns and a hundred men had
lately sailed from Jamaica, under a Dutch captain named Senolve. Four
ships had been fitted out at Tortuga, armed with thirty-two guns and
carrying 250 men who were all French, but they were commanded by
Captains Buckell, Colstree, and Davis, who were almost certainly
Englishmen, and an unnamed Portuguese.[51]

Among these privateersmen the ability and courage of Mansfield soon
achieved pre-eminence, and he became the acknowledged leader of a
considerable squadron operating under his direction.

The old "grudge" between the soldiers of Cromwell and pronounced
royalists, who had arrived later and gained the upper hand, had
continued to smoulder, and for some time became very bitter, as it
seemed that few of the old army would be allowed to occupy posts of
trust or profit. The disbanded officers and soldiers were seen to be
discontented and restless, and were distrusted in consequence.
Privateering enterprises offered them distracting and profitable
employment.

    "As they were the only Party that understood the Art of War,"
    Leslie wrote, "they could not miss being formidable to a raw,
    undisciplined Few, who had lately come over and thro' a too
    partial Favour were encouraged. This seemed to make the
    Entertainment of the Pyrates necessary on a double account.
    First that their Power and Courage might balance the others;
    and, next, That the Riches they daily brought in should be a
    Lure and turn the thoughts of these Republicans to the Methods
    of acquiring Riches. And indeed it proved a good Piece of
    Policy; for they no sooner found their Account in joining with
    the Privateers than they forgot their old Murmurs, acquiesced in
    the Administration, and in a short time all distinction of
    Parties was quite lost."[52]

These successful inroads upon Spanish dominions and the capture of many
of their ships at sea did not fail to excite extreme indignation in
Spain, and the Spanish ambassador in London protested so forcibly that
at length positive royal instructions were sent to Lyttleton to abstain
from further hostilities.

    "Understanding with what jealousy and offence the Spaniards look
    upon our island of Jamaica," they read, "and how disposed they
    are to make some attempt upon it, and knowing how disabled it
    will remain in its own defence, if encouragement be given to
    such undertakings as have been lately set on foot and are yet
    pursued and which divert the inhabitants from that industry
    which alone can render the island considerable, the King
    signifies his dislike of all such undertakings, and commands
    that no such be pursued for the future, but that they unitedly
    apply themselves to the improvement of the plantation and
    keeping the force in a proper condition."[53]

The ship _Friendship_ brought these oddly-worded orders to Jamaica on
August 4, and a cessation of hostilities was at once proclaimed by beat
of drum through the sandy, sun-smitten streets and on the wharves of the
busy little town of Port Royal, with surprising little result.
"Nevertheless," the candid local diarist wrote in his journal, "the
privateers brought in their prizes and particularly on the nineteenth of
October, Captain Cooper brought in the rich quicksilver prize."[54]

Like the Dutch, the English colonists in general, and especially the
Puritans among them, cherished an inappeasable hatred of the Spaniards,
and sincerely believed that in plundering them, they were not merely
enriching themselves but serving the cause of God and true religion.[55]

Nor were the Spaniards less guiltless of similar unprovoked aggressions,
as was shown by a deposition of Charles Hadsell, master of the ship
_Prosperous_ of London, taken before Sir Charles Lyttleton, as Judge of
the Court of Admiralty for the American seas. Hadsell described the
capture of his ship, which was carried into San Domingo by a Spanish
royal man-of-war. After being kept in prison there for fourteen months,
he was sent to Havana, whence he had made his escape with five other
English prisoners. Two of them were seamen, who had been taken more than
a year before in the bay of Matanzas in a ship owned by Colonel
Arundell. After a month's captivity at Puerto Principe, Arundell and the
master of his ship had been taken into the woods by negroes and there
killed. These men had seen their heads carried into the town by their
murderers, and believed that they had only been saved from a like fate
by the influence of a Flemish friar, by whose intercession they had been
sent to Havana. Hadsell estimated his loss through the confiscation of
his ship at not less than five thousand pounds.[56]

As the English were denied access to the Spanish dominions, it was
believed that a profitable trade might be developed with them if Spanish
merchants were invited to come to the English colonies and buy negro
slaves there. Lyttleton accordingly informed the Secretary of State that
he hoped to establish such a traffic with the Spaniards as they could
obtain negro slaves nowhere else so easily.[57]

Beyond the mere publication of the royal instructions he appears to have
made little real effort to suppress privateering, and in fact had little
power to do so, as Captain Mings and all the ships of the royal navy
were recalled to England when it was seen that war with Holland had
become inevitable.

Acting on the royal instructions to Windsor, writs were issued for the
election of a House of Assembly, which met at Spanish Town on the 20th
January, 1664, and sat there until February 12, when it adjourned to
re-assemble at Port Royal on May 17. Care was taken by the members to
retain full control of the expenditure of the limited revenue.

Being in ill health, Lyttleton had obtained permission to return to
England, and was instructed to invest the Council with authority to
administer the government in his absence. Colonel Thomas Lynch, a
wealthy planter in the parish of St. Thomas-in-the-East, already one of
the most populous and best cultivated parts of the island, was elected
president. He had come to the country as an officer under Venables, had
held the responsible office of provost marshal, and then commanded the
largest regiment of the militia. Lyttleton gave him a commission on his
departure to command all the military and naval forces and to act as
Chief Justice "with some assistance".

The Privy Council in England made sincere, though perhaps in some
respects, ill-judged efforts to encourage immigration. At one session it
recommended that "every person, who shall have land allotted to him upon
Jamaica shall have the same by grant from his Majesty rent-free and
without payment for the space of seven years, but after the said seven
years hath expired, shall pay unto his Majesty five per cent, for all
native goods whatsoever exported, and in case any shall fail to pay the
said five per cent., he or they so failing or defrauding his Majesty of
the same or any part thereof, shall forfeit twenty times so much in
value of the same commodities as he failed to pay as aforesaid and this
to be expressed in every such grant to be paid by way of rent, such rent
and forfeitures to be gathered, collected, and levied in such manner as
shall be thought fit and declared."[58]

A proclamation was accordingly published, declaring "upon what terms and
encouragement people may plant there and giving strangers liberty to
plant there, provided they be Protestants and will be obedient to the
government and laws of England."[59]

Three weeks later official letters were written to the Lord Mayor of
London and the High Sheriff of the County of Surrey, directing that "all
persons now in Newgate under condemnation, and not for murder or
burglary, and also such as after conviction of being incorrigible rogues
or vagabonds should be transported to Jamaica, the merchants undertaking
to keep them from returning for ten years at least."[60]

Some months after arriving in England Lyttelton complied with a
peremptory order from the Privy Council to give a short account of the
state of the colony.

    "The Interest of this Island as of all New Settlements", he
    wrote, "is daily changing--Provisions and all sorts of goods of
    the Country Produce being infinitely increased in that two years
    which Sir Charles Lyttelton stayed there, before which they
    little intended Planting or Breeding of Cattle.

    "The Designs of a Free Trade can hardly be effectual but by
    order from Spain nor the Privateers called in but (and that
    difficultly) by Frigates from England, the English being grown
    so hateful to the Spaniards in those parts, they would scarce
    receive the very Friars and other Prisoners [who] were sent home
    to them. We had then in their coasts about fourteen or fifteen
    sail of Privateers, in them 1,500 or 2,000 Seamen, few of which
    take Orders but from stronger Men of War, and as it hath been
    always their trade and livelihood, and they being of several
    Nations, if we forbid them our Ports they will go to others, to
    the French or Dutch, and find themselves welcome enough.

    "The Government of the Island was plain and agreeable, so were
    the Laws and Execution thereof; neither Merchants nor Planters
    seemed dissatisfied, every Cause or Law suit being determined in
    six weeks with 30s. or 40s. charges.

    "The People were generally easy to be governed yet rather by
    Persuasion than severity. The attempts by Captain Mings upon the
    Spaniards and Privateering had lett out the many ill Humours,
    and those that remained were in ways of thriving, and by that
    made peaceable and industrious."[61]

From Lord Windsor during his brief term of command, Henry Morgan had
secured his first commission as commander of a privateer. It is
probable, but not certain, that he took part in the raids upon Santiago
and Campeachy, and then went on a long cruise into the Gulf of Mexico in
company with other ships of the same class. He was then twenty-seven
years of age and had seven years military experience, but could have had
little knowledge of navigation or seamanship. Being still
undistinguished beyond the other captains of privateers, it is not
surprising that there is little definite account of his early activity
in this new venture.

Leslie is not always accurate, as his mind was saturated by local
tradition, but he may have talked with old men who knew Morgan. Few
contemporary documents were accessible to him when he wrote:

    "He [Morgan] found entertainment immediately on his Arrival on
    Board a Sloop, which was to cruise upon the _Spanish_ coasts;
    and behaved with such Resolution and Courage, that he soon
    became famous. Having made several voyages, he took care to
    secure his share of the Booty in good Hands. He saw the Excess
    and Debauchery of his Fellows, and that they became reduced to
    the lowest Shifts by their lavish Expenses on their Arrival; but
    he having Vast Designs in View, lived moderate and got soon
    together as much Money as purchased a Vessel for himself; and
    having a fine Crew, put to Sea. His success was at first but
    small, but afterwards he took several Prizes, which he carried
    to Jamaica and disposed of."[62]

[Footnote 1: Clark, _Limbus Patrum Morgani_; A. Morgan, _History of the
Family of Morgan_.]

[Footnote 2: G. Blacker Morgan, _Historical and Genealogical Memoirs of
the Morgan Family_, pp. 5-6.]

[Footnote 3: E. E. Cuthell, _A Vagabond Courtier_, Vol. I, p. 3; C. E.
Long, "Memoir of Henry Morgan" in _Gentleman's Magazine_, February,
1832; _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1663, No.
601.]

[Footnote 4: D. N. B. Art., _Thomas Morgan_; Firth, _Last Years of the
Protectorate_, I, pp. 74-5.]

[Footnote 5: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1304, 25 Feby., 1680.]

[Footnote 6: Leslie, _A New History of Jamaica_, p. 97.]

[Footnote 7: _Memoirs_, I, pp. 324-5; Thurloe, _State Papers_, III, p.
629.]

[Footnote 8: G. Penn, _Memorials of Sir Wm. Penn_, I; Winslow to
Thurloe, pp. 40-1; Butler to Cromwell, pp. 47-8; Venables to Mountague,
p. 120; Firth, _Oliver Cromwell_, pp. 399-401.]

[Footnote 9: G. Penn, _Memorials of Sir Wm. Penn_, II, 21.]

[Footnote 10: Firth, _Oliver Cromwell_, I, p. 376; G. Penn, _Memorials
of Sir Wm. Penn_, Instructions to Venables, II, p. 28.]

[Footnote 11: F. Cundall, _Jamaica under the Spaniards_, pp. 54, 57-8.]

[Footnote 12: G. Penn, _Memorials of Sir Wm. Penn_, II, 156-8; Thurloe,
_State Papers_, IV, pp. 130, 634; V, p. 510.]

[Footnote 13: Carlyle, _Cromwell_, Speech V; Firth, _Cromwell_, II, p.
376.]

[Footnote 14: Thurloe, _State Papers_, III, pp. 58-62; Carlyle,
_Cromwell_, Letter 141.]

[Footnote 15: Carlyle, _Cromwell_, Letter 143.]

[Footnote 16: Gardner, _History of Jamaica_, pp. 35-6; Ogilby,
_America_, p. 343.]

[Footnote 17: Firth, _Cromwell_, II, pp. 406-7.]

[Footnote 18: Military service in Jamaica was naturally much dreaded.
George Fox relates that soldiers in Scotland "were so ashamed that they
said 'they would rather have gone to Jamaica than have guarded us so.'"
_Journal_, 1657.]

[Footnote 19: Cundall, _Jamaica under the Spaniards_, p. 56.]

[Footnote 20: Cundall, _Jamaica under the Spaniards_, p. 57.]

[Footnote 21: D'Oyley to Cromwell, Cagway, 3rd February, 1658; Cundall,
_Historic Jamaica_, pp. 201-3; Firth, _Last Years of the Protectorate_,
pp. 292-3.]

[Footnote 22: D'Oyley to Cromwell, Cagway, 18 July, 1658; Cundall,
_Jamaica under the Spaniards_, pp. 69-70.]

[Footnote 23: _Op. cit._]

[Footnote 24: D'Oyley to Cromwell, 12 July, 1658.]

[Footnote 25: Cundall, _Historic Jamaica_, pp. 287-8.]

[Footnote 26: The present state of Jamaica, 1663; Firth, _Last Days of
the Protectorate_, II, p. 287, note.]

[Footnote 27: Evelyn, _Diary_, 17 and 27 September, 1662; _Acts of the
Privy Council_, I, 302; _Commons, Journal_, VIII, 163.]

[Footnote 28: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
204.]

[Footnote 29: The "line of amity", or prime meridian passing through the
Azores and Tropic of Cancer.]

[Footnote 30: Fuller, _Holy and Profane State_.]

[Footnote 31: Bridges, _Annals of Jamaica_, I, p. 247.]

[Footnote 32: F. R. Harris, _Life of Edward Mountague_, I, pp. 138-145;
_Calendar of State Papers_, No. 167; Feurtado, _Official and Other
Personages in Jamaica_, 1655-1790.]

[Footnote 33: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 275.]

[Footnote 34: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 278.]

[Footnote 35: _Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica_, Vol. I, appendix,
royal proclamation, 14th December, 1661.]

[Footnote 36: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 512, 15th May, 1661.]

[Footnote 37: C. R. Firth, _English Historical Review_, July, 1899.]

[Footnote 38: G. Penn, _Memorials of Sir Wm. Penn_, Vol. II, pp. 301-3;
Pepys, Diary, 13th June, 1666.]

[Footnote 39: Firth, _English Historical Review_, July, 1899; G. Penn,
_Memorials of Sir Wm. Penn_, Vol. II, _passim_; _Fifteenth Report of the
Historical Manuscripts Commission_, 1899; Heathcote MSS., 34-5.]

[Footnote 40: Mings to Lord Windsor, 19th October, 1662; Pezuela,
_Historia de la Isla de Cuba_, II, pp. 140-2; Long, _History of
Jamaica_, I, p. 201, note.]

[Footnote 41: Pezuela, _Historia de la Isla de Cuba_, II, pp. 142-3;
Mings to Windsor, 19th October, 1662; Long, _History of Jamaica_, I, p.
281; Beeston, _Journal_, pp. 176-7.]

[Footnote 42: Beer, _Old Colonial System_, I, pp. 294, 298-9, 304-5.]

[Footnote 43: Pepys, _Diary_, 13th February, 1663; Gardner, _History of
Jamaica_, p. 50.]

[Footnote 44: _Calendar of State Papers_, Nos. 375, 670.]

[Footnote 45: Pezuela, _Historia de la Isla de Cuba_, II, pp. 143-4.]

[Footnote 46: Leslie, _A New History of Jamaica_, p. 92.]

[Footnote 47: Beeston, _Journal_, p. 177.]

[Footnote 48: Beeston, _Journal_, p. 177; Gardner, _History of Jamaica_,
p. 53.]

[Footnote 49: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
443.]

[Footnote 50: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
379; Dampier, _Voyage to Compeachy_, Edition of 1729, pp. 45-6; Beeston,
_Journal_, pp. 177-8.]

[Footnote 51: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
521.]

[Footnote 52: Leslie, _History of Jamaica_, p. 180.]

[Footnote 53: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
443.]

[Footnote 54: Beeston, _Journal_, p. 180.]

[Footnote 55: Newton, _Puritan Colonization_, p. 200.]

[Footnote 56: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
648.]

[Footnote 57: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
566.]

[Footnote 58: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 522, 3rd July, 1661.]

[Footnote 59: _Acts of the Privy Council_, 3rd July, 1661.]

[Footnote 60: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 527, 24th July, 1661.]

[Footnote 61: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
612, October, 1664; N. B. Livingston, _Sketch Pedigrees of some of the
Early Settlers in Jamaica_, Appendix, pp. 67-9.]

[Footnote 62: _A New History of Jamaica_, Letter V.]




  CHAPTER II

  THE DUTCH WAR AND THE RAID ON CENTRAL AMERICA


A spontaneous national movement towards colonial expansion in England,
arising mainly from the economic wants of the country, had enlisted the
active support of the King, his brother James, and several leading
statesmen. This they saw could only be accomplished at the expense of
those rival nations, who already possessed the advantage of priority in
that inviting field of enterprise. Charles II was a shrewd and
intelligent man of affairs, and warmly favoured colonial and commercial
ventures. "Upon the king's first arrival in England," Clarendon wrote,
"he manifested a very great desire to improve the general traffick and
trade of the Kingdom, and upon all occasions conferred with the most
active merchants upon it and offered all he could contribute to the
advancement thereof." Charles doubtless believed that national
prosperity would benefit himself as well as his subjects. Clarendon, as
his chief adviser, took an active interest in colonization and the
promotion of commerce. He relates with frank satisfaction how he "used
all the endeavours he could to prepare and dispose the king to a great
esteem of his plantations, and to encourage the improvement of them by
all the ways that could reasonably be proposed to him."[63] Jamaica was
fast becoming a plantation of some importance, and Clarendon acquired a
considerable tract of land by royal patent in the parish, which the
Council named in his honour.

The navigation act passed by the parliament in 1660, declaring that all
productions of the English colonies must be transported in English
ships, was distinctly framed in the hope of overthrowing the maritime
supremacy of Holland, in which it eventually succeeded.[64]

About the end of the same year the first African Company was chartered
with the King's brother, the Duke of York, as president, and the King
himself as a partner. It was granted exclusive rights of trade with the
coast of Africa. Two years later the company undertook to deliver three
hundred negro slaves annually to the planters of Jamaica. Its efforts to
establish trading stations on the west coast of Africa brought it at
once into sharp competition with the powerful Dutch West India Company,
whose trade it was seeking to capture. An English fleet, commanded by
Captain Robert Holmes, forcibly expelled the Dutch from several small
posts claimed by the English company, and the Dutch quickly retaliated
by seizing two English merchant ships and driving another away. In the
summer of next year the English met with the most obstinate opposition
from their sturdy rivals.

    "The Dutch", they complained to the government, "have
    endeavoured to drive the English Company from the coast, have
    followed their ships from port to port, and hindered their
    coming nigh the shore to trade.... and had it not been for the
    countenance of some of his Majesty's ships, to give the Company
    a respect in the eyes of the natives and preserve their forts,
    the Company had ere this been stripped of their possessions and
    interest in Africa."

They consequently prayed for protection, and asserted that on the
success of this petition depended "the very being of the American
plantations, which must fall with the loss of the African trade, through
want of negro servants."[65]

In response to this request Holmes was again sent to the African coast
with a much stronger force, and the English ambassador in Holland was
instructed to demand reparation and an assurance that these aggressions
would not be continued. Holmes soon acted with such decision that
matters came to a crisis. He proposed mutual concessions, but the Dutch
beat and even killed some of his messengers. They fired upon his ships.
Holmes then attacked and took all their forts but one, bringing off so
much booty that an acquaintance referred sarcastically to "the return of
poor--nay, rich--Robin Holmes from his conquest of the River Gambo with
Dutch prizes."[66]

Pepys noted in his private diary that "Fresh news come of our beating
the Dutch at Guinny quite out of all their castles almost which make
them quite sad and here at home sure. And Sir G. Cartaret did tell me
that the King do joy mightily at it." But it appeared that the King's
delight was not unalloyed by misgivings, for the diarist also recorded
that he exclaimed: "How shall I do to answer this to the Embassador when
he comes?"[67]

A committee of the House of Lords had investigated the complaints of the
English merchants, and reported that the Dutch were liable for damages
done to ships and goods of the East India Company amounting to 148,000;
for burning their factories amounting to 87,000; for damages to the
particular traders to the coasts of Africa, 330,000; to the Turkey
Company, 119,500; and to the Portugal merchants, 100,000. Both Houses
of Parliament waited upon the King "in full body", to urge these
formidable demands for reparation upon his attention. The landed gentry
and the merchants were equally eager for a definite trial of strength
with the Dutch, while it was asserted that "the Parliament would pawne
their estates to maintain a warre". They showed their sincerity by
making the unprecedented appropriation of 2,500,000 to equip the royal
navy.

Yet on his return to England Holmes was placed under arrest and closely
questioned, although Pepys describes the investigation as "a mere jest".
Williamson, the Under Secretary of State, who was certainly better
informed, treated the matter soberly.

    "And the plain truth is," he wrote, "Holmes upon his
    examination, as he was examined in the Tower by the two
    Secretaries, gives so good an account of whatever he hath done
    in his late expedition to Guiney that it will plainly appear
    that he hath done no hostility or damage to them there, for
    which--besides all their former injuries and oppressions to our
    trade there, which it might have otherwise been not unjust to
    have resented--he did not first receive the just provocations
    from the Dutch at each particular place."[68]

The Dutch government promptly retaliated by sending a fleet to Africa
under the famous De Ruyter, who not only retook all the posts they had
lost but captured all the English factories. Meanwhile Holmes was
exonerated, promoted, and sent across the Atlantic to attack the New
Netherlands and other possessions of the Dutch in America.

War was not actually declared by England until the 17th of March, 1665,
but long before that declaration was made the two nations had been
engaged in fierce and open hostilities in nearly every quarter of the
globe; in the East and West Indies, in the Mediterranean, at many places
on the west coast of Africa, and in North America. The commercial
supremacy of the world was frankly at stake.[69]

By a treaty concluded in 1662, Louis XIV had agreed to assist the Dutch
in any war in which they were not the aggressors. It seemed more than
probable that war with Holland might involve England in hostilities with
France. It therefore was considered expedient to make a resolute effort
to conciliate Spain. Sir Henry Bennet, soon to become Lord Arlington,
had been appointed a Secretary of State in October, 1662. He had
negotiated the secret treaty by which the Spanish government had
undertaken to assist Charles to regain his throne, and had afterwards
spent four years at Madrid, vainly endeavouring to obtain the fulfilment
of its terms. Since his appointment the French ambassador had
consistently referred to him in his official correspondence with his
court as "a Spaniard", and there is little doubt he was inclined to
support Spain as the weakest of the two belligerents in resisting the
aggression of France, which was becoming more menacing. But the English
ambassador was instructed to demand the concession of freedom of trade
with the Spanish possessions in the West Indies and America and an
"assiento" granting the Company of Royal Adventurers to Africa the
monopoly of the profitable slave trade with those colonies, which was
then virtually in the hands of the Dutch. The charter granted to the
African Company had been cancelled and another granted to this far
stronger association, which included among its partners the Queen, the
Duke of York, Prince Rupert, and many great noblemen and ministers of
the Crown, giving it a monopoly of trade on the west coast of Africa
from Sallee to the Cape of Good Hope, and prohibiting all other
Englishmen from competing. In the success of this company the King and
his government took a particular interest as being an enterprise of
great national importance.[70]

The belated news of Mings's successful raids did not tend to promote a
friendly feeling in Spain, although English merchants domiciled there
did not think it would lead to war. The English consul at Cadiz wrote
that "the King of Spain had sent to England to know if the King will own
Lord Windsor's action in Cuba, but it will probably be easily answered,
as experience shows 'that the Spaniard is most pliable when well
beaten.'"[71]

Nearly at the same time, in accordance with the treaty with Portugal,
three English regiments had been sent there to assist in repelling a
Spanish invasion, and had taken a notable part in winning victories at
Amoixial and Villa Viciosa. It was therefore not surprising that the
Spanish minister countered the proposals of the English by demands for
the restitution of Jamaica and Tangiers and the withdrawal of these
troops.[72]

The appointment of a governor for Jamaica received very careful
consideration. In May, 1663, the Under Secretary of State informed Sir
Richard Fanshaw, then the English ambassador at Madrid, that letters
from Cadiz stated that "they are much dejected there at hearing from the
West Indies of our hostile carriage towards them, which has wholly
ruined their trade." He added that no new governor had been selected for
Jamaica, but the Earl of Craven was talked of, with Colonel Mostyn for
his lieutenant. The King had ordered Sir Charles Lyttelton to "desist
those hostilities upon the Spaniards and other neighbours, as much
disturbing the settlement of that Plantation."[73]

After considerable delay the King was advised to appoint Thomas
Modyford, a kinsman of "old silent George Monck", Duke of Albemarle,
then chairman of the Committee of the Privy Council on the affairs of
Jamaica. Modyford had been a successful sugar-planter in Barbados for
sixteen years, but before his emigration from England he had been a
lawyer and an officer in the royalist army. In that island he had been
Speaker of the House of Assembly and commandant of a militia regiment.
He had taken a leading part in drafting the treaty of capitulation which
was considered the charter of its liberties. He became an ardent
supporter of Cromwell's "Western Design", and gave Venables valuable
assistance. After the restoration he was charged with high treason and
obliged to claim the protection of the general act of oblivion.[74] His
administration of the government of Barbados had been creditable. Since
his removal to Jamaica he had given much attention to the cultivation of
sugar cane on a considerable scale. Modyford was at once created a
baronet to give him greater dignity.

The choice of Colonel Edward Morgan as lieutenant-governor and military
commander was probably made on the advice of the same powerful nobleman,
who had been closely associated with Morgan's brother. In case of war
with Holland and an attempt to capture the Dutch colonies in the West
Indies, which was already in view, Edward Morgan's knowledge of the
Dutch language and military system and his varied experience in actual
warfare should be of great value. In a letter addressed by him to Sir
Henry Bennet he asked that full scope should be given him to render the
King his best service. Consequently he was supplied with arms and
munitions but informed that he must enlist men in the island as soldiers
could not be sent from England.[75]

On his way out from England, Modyford made a stay of some weeks at
Barbados, which was believed to be overpeopled, to invite emigrants from
that island to go with him, to whom he was authorized to offer a free
passage and liberal grants of land. While at sea he wrote a polite
letter to the governor of San Domingo, which he sent to him in care of
Colonel Theodore Cary and two other officers with two ships of war,
probably as a demonstration of naval strength, asking the favour of an
immediate reply. In it he announced his appointment as governor of
Jamaica, and stated that the King had enjoined him strictly to restrain
all his subjects from molesting the ships or invading the territories of
his Catholic Majesty, "nothing being more pleasing to his royal nature
than that they live in friendly relations and have good intercourse with
all their neighbours, in order to promote which his Majesty's
Ambassador, Sir Richard Fanshaw, was then residing at the court of the
King of Spain, well instructed to make all those tenders which might
produce a lasting friendship between those most glorious nations.
Meanwhile," he concluded, "let us not only forbear all acts of
hostility, but allow each other the free use of our respective harbours
and the civility of wood, water, and provisions for money."[76]

To this overture the Spanish governor returned a courteous but evasive
reply, which Cary brought to Jamaica before Modyford arrived. When it
was shown to Colonel Lynch he made cynical comments upon its terms in
an official memorandum.

    "It is improbable Jamaica will be advantaged by it, for it is
    not in the power of the Governor to have or suffer a commerce,
    nor will any necessity or advantage bring private Spaniards to
    Jamaica, for we have used too many mutual barbarisms to have a
    sudden correspondence. When the King was restored the Spaniards
    thought the manners of the English changed too, and adventured
    two or three vessels to Jamaica for blacks, but the surprises
    and irruptions of C. Mings, for which the Governor of San
    Domingo has upbraided the Commissioners, made the Spaniards
    double their vigilance, and nothing but an order from Spain can
    gain us admittance or trade, especially while they are so
    plentifully and cheaply supplied by the Genoese, who have
    contracted to supply them with 24,500 negroes in seven years,
    which the Spaniards have contracted to receive from the Dutch at
    Curacao, on which cursed little barren island they have now
    1,500 or 2,000. You may judge whether the Royal [African]
    Company had not best sell their negroes by contract to the
    Genoese, and whether the best way to get the trade and silver of
    America is not to seclude the Flemings out of Africa. The
    calling in of the privateers will be but a remote and hazardous
    expedient and can never be effectually done without five or six
    men-of-war. If the Governor commands and promises a cessation
    and it be not entirely complied with, his and the English faith
    will be questioned and the design of trade further undone by it.
    Naked orders to restrain or call them in will teach them only to
    keep out of this port, and force them (it may be) to prey on us
    as well as the Spaniards. What compliance can be expected from
    men so desperate and numerous, that have no other element but
    the sea, nor trade but privateering? There may be above 1,500 in
    about twelve vessels, who if they want English commissions can
    have French or Portugal papers, and if with them, they take
    anything they are sure of a good reception at New Netherlands
    and Tortugas. And for this we shall be hated and cursed, for the
    Spaniards call all the rogues in these seas, of what nation
    soever, English. And this will happen, though we live tamely at
    Jamaica, and sit still and see the French made rich by the
    prizes, and the Dutch by the trade of the West Indies. We hope
    at last to thrive by planting, and are sure none of our
    inhabitants will now go to sea or follow another C. Mings. Those
    that were so disposed are long since gone and lost to us."[77]

When Lynch wrote this, Edward Morgan had already arrived, and Modyford
was expected to follow him very soon. Modyford's efforts to secure
settlers from Barbados were successful, and he brought with him several
hundred immigrants, who were encouraged and assisted to engage in the
cultivation of sugar cane.[78]

On the 12th of June, 1664, the new governor published a proclamation
declaring that in future all hostilities against the Spaniards must
cease, and a special messenger was sent to inform the governor of
Cartagena. Still, he already doubted the success of the policy imposed
upon him by his instructions. In a letter to his brother in England,
written soon after, he remarked that he was "troubled for" Sir Charles
Lyttelton, but added, "he was truly a weak man and much led by mean
fellows, and lately sent out so many privateers, which renders my
actions very difficult; for I have an account of no less than 1,500
lusty fellows abroad, who, if made desperate by any act of injustice or
oppression, may miserably infest this place and much reflect on me."[79]

Not many weeks later a letter was received from the King himself, which
informed him that "His Majesty cannot sufficiently express his
dissatisfaction at the daily complaints of violence and depredation done
by ships, said to belong to Jamaica, upon the King of Spain's subjects,
to the prejudice of that good intelligence and correspondence which His
Majesty hath so often recommended to those who have governed Jamaica.
You are therefore again strictly commanded not only to forbid the
prosecution of such violences for the future, but to inflict condign
punishment upon offenders, and to have entire restitution and
satisfaction made to the sufferers."[80]

This letter was at once laid before the Council, and an order was made
commanding the seizure and restoration to their owners of a Spanish ship
and a barque lately brought into Port Royal by Captain Robert Searle,
with all the specie that could be recovered. A resolution was adopted
that notice of this action should be sent to the governor of Havana, and
that "all persons making further attempts of violence upon the Spaniards
be looked upon as pirates and rebels, and that Captain Searle's
commission be taken from him and his rudder and sails taken ashore for
security."[81]

An opportunity soon occurred of proving that this order was not to be
disregarded with impunity. About the end of the year, Captain Munro, who
had obtained a Jamaican commission as a privateer, "turned pirate" and
plundered several English ships coming to the island. Captain Ensor in
the _Swallow_, an armed ketch, was sent in pursuit of the offender,
whose ship was taken after a stubborn resistance in which some of his
crew were killed and the rest captured. The prisoners were tried,
convicted, and hanged in chains on the public gallows on the point at
the entrance of Port Royal harbour.

Yet on the other hand the conscientious Beeston noted that in spite of
the proclamation, Captain Maurice Williams brought in "a great prize
with logwood, indigo, and silver." Several other privateers went out,
and Bernard Nicholas came in "with a great prize."[82]

Having carefully considered the correspondence laid before them the
committee of the Privy Council on the affairs of Jamaica finally
recommended that the Lord High Admiral be advised to command all
privateers in the West Indies to forbear all acts of hostility against
the Spaniards until they received further orders, but to give them
permission to dispossess the Dutch of Curacao and their other
plantations, after which they should be invited "to come and serve his
Majesty in these parts."[83]

Letters received from Jamaica at that time did not hold out much
prospect of arranging peaceable commerce with the Spanish dominions. One
correspondent wrote despondently:

"The fortune of trade here none can guess, but all think that the
Spaniards so abhor us that all the commands of Spain and the necessity
of the Indies will hardly bring them to an English port; if anything
will effect it, negroes are the likeliest."[84]

Another reported that most of the old soldiers had become hunters, and
it was supposed that they killed a thousand hundred weight of wild hogs
per month, for which they found a ready market at a good price. Sir
Thomas Modyford's brother-in-law, a Mr. Kendall, submitted a proposal
for recalling the privateers, which probably represented Modyford's own
views.

    "This", he wrote, "must be done by fair means and giving them
    leave to dispose of their prizes when they come in, otherwise
    they will be alarmed and go to the French at Tortuga, and his
    Majesty will lose 1,000 or 1,500 stout men, but they will still
    take the Spaniards and disturb the trade to Jamaica, and if war
    break out with Holland, will certainly go to the Dutch at
    Curacao and interrupt all trade to Jamaica; for they are a
    desperate people, the greater part having been in men-of-war for
    20 years. Therefore it will be much to the advantage of the
    Spaniard that the governor has orders to permit them to sell
    their prizes and set them a-planting; and if his Majesty shall
    think fit to have Tortuga or Curacao taken, none will be fitter
    for that work than they."[85]

This advice was ultimately adopted. The privateers Were invited to
return to Port Royal and permission was given them to dispose of their
captures and become planters or accept letters-of-marque against the
Dutch. In his first letter to the Secretary of State next year, Modyford
reported that d'Ogeron, the enterprising French governor of Tortuga, had
given commissions to some English privateers, and bitterly remarked that
he would deal with him after he had tried his fortune against the Dutch.
He thought, however, that all of these privateers would eventually come
to Jamaica and take commissions against Holland. Some six weeks later he
joyfully announced that "upon my gentleness towards them, the privateers
come in a-pace and cheerfully offer life and fortune to his Majesty's
service."[86]

A new House of Assembly was elected and met in October, 1664, but soon
divided into factions and lost the confidence of the governor. The form
of enacting all laws had been strictly prescribed in the royal
instructions, yet a majority of the members, apparently guided by the
advice of Samuel Long, their clerk, a convinced republican, objected to
the insertion of the King's name in a revenue bill, which they regarded
as being different from all other bills which were to be reserved for
the royal assent, as it would come into effect immediately and might
expire before such assent was received. Modyford suspected that if their
contention was accepted it might be gradually extended to other bills
and the principle established "that the governor being here the
representative of the crown, his act should bind the crown; and the
operation of their laws, thus passed, not to be impeded or suspended by
waiting for the King's determination upon them."

As a result of this dispute the Assembly was frequently prorogued and
finally dissolved. The weight of the governor's displeasure was vented
upon Long, who was arrested in the House by his warrant and committed to
gaol for some time, as the record states "for high and treasonable
crimes, causing himself to be elected Speaker after the Governor had
dissolved the House, procuring a Law to be passed setting up a Treasury
and himself the Treasurer, procuring himself to be elect-Clerk of the
Assembly, and had done his utmost to infuse his traitorous principles
into the members, but they altogether disown and abhor his advice."[87]

No other Assembly was elected during Modyford's term of office which
lasted for the next seven years, and it was asserted that the conduct of
this Assembly served as a sufficient excuse for introducing a new form
of constitution for the colony, "so contrived as to take away from their
assembly all power of defending themselves against any future act of
tyranny exercised upon them by either the crown or its governor."[88]

Lady Modyford had remained in England, and the _Griffin_ frigate, with
her eldest son on board, was sent for her, but was wrecked in the
Florida channel and nothing was known of its fate for some years.[89]

Preparations for an expedition to capture the Dutch islands in the West
Indies were begun with much vigour before the formal declaration of war
was made known. The lieutenant-governor, Colonel Edward Morgan, was
given the command as a matter of course, having Colonel Theodore Cary
and Major Richard Steevens, both veteran officers of the old army, as
his immediate subordinates.

Before embarking on this distant undertaking, Morgan took the precaution
of making his will in the form of a memorial to the governor giving
particulars of his estate, from which it appears that he had already
became owner of a plantation. This he bequeathed to his two sons, who
were both still minors. To his second daughter, Mary Elizabeth Morgan,
he left his house in London, mortgaged for 200, and his "pretence upon
Lanrumney". The remainder of his property was to be divided between his
other three daughters and his youngest son in nearly equal shares.

    "I leave nothing to my sonn Charles," he added, "but my arms and
    what else belongs to my body in regard of ye Good Offices yr
    Excellency hath bestowed upon him, yett never-the-less I leave
    him ye one half part of my plantation with his brother, who
    shall make use of his money to ye increase of ye said plantation
    and they both having brought it to perfection shall not only
    mayntaine theyr Sisters according to theyr qualities but also
    add to theyr portions when they marry."

The patent for his pension of 300 per annum and his father's will and
testament, which his daughter Mary Elizabeth "must have for to pretend
her Right wch I past upon her in Zutphen in Gilderland", were, he
stated, in the hands of his "cozen Wm. Morgan, Clarke of ye stables to
his Maj'tie."[90]

In the voyage from England to Jamaica Morgan had had the misfortune to
lose his eldest daughter, "a lady of great beauty and virtue," Modyford
stated, "and three more sicke, one whereof recovered, the rest since
dead of a maligne distemper by reason of the nastiness of the
passengers."[91]

In a letter to Lord Arlington Morgan asserted that the Court had kept
him poor, as he had spent near 3,000 in the King's service, and
although he ought to have been worth 7,000 or 8,000, he would hardly
be able to leave his six surviving children 2,000, if paid to them,
which he could not much doubt, "considering how generously he had spent
life and fortune in the service."[92]

The expedition under his command sailed from Port Royal on the 16th
April, 1665, in ten ships, all privateers, but so well manned that
Morgan expected to be able to land five hundred men.

    "They are chiefly reformed privateers," Modyford reported,
    "scarce a planter amongst them, being resolute fellows, and well
    armed with fusees and pistols. Their design is to fall upon the
    Dutch fleet trading at St. Christopher's, capture St. Eustatia,
    Saba, and Curacao, and on their homeward voyage visit the French
    and English buccaneers at Hispaniola and Tortugas. All this is
    prepared by the honest privateer, at the old rate of no
    purchase[93] no pay, and it will cost the King nothing
    considerable, some powder, and mortar pieces."[94]

This grandiose project was not fully executed. Morgan first visited the
Isle of Pines where he confidently expected to be joined by several
other privateers. After considerable delay only nine ships were found to
be serviceable, manned with about 650 men. The names of these vessels
with those of their commanders have been recorded.[95] The most noted of
their captains were Searle and Williams. On the passage southward to the
Leeward Islands two ships parted company in a storm and another
deserted, which caused a loss of 150 men. With this diminished force
Morgan arrived at St. Eustatia, where he landed at the head of only
three hundred men, without much opposition, but died the same day from
the effects of over exertion.

    "The good old colonel," wrote Modyford, "leaping out of the boat
    and being a corpulent man, got a strain, and his spirit being
    great he pursued over earnestly the enemy on a hot day, so that
    he surfeited and suddenly died, to almost the loss of the whole
    design, but Colonel Cary succeeded him, and about three weeks
    after sent Major Richard Steevens with a small party and took
    Saba also. Besides other plunder they had 900 slaves, 500 are
    arrived in Jamaica, with many coppers and stills to the great
    furtherance of this colony, being very brave knowing blacks....

    "The Spanish prizes have been inventoried and sold, but the
    privateers plunder them and hide the goods in holes and creeks,
    so that the present orders little avail the Spaniard but much
    prejudice his Majesty and his Royal Highness in the tenths and
    fifteenths. Some of the privateers are well bred, and I hope
    with good handling to bring them to more humanity and good
    order, which once obtained his Majesty hath 1,500 of the best
    men in the world belonging to this island....

    "I suppose his Majesty may save the charges of a Deputy
    Governor, as being altogether needless, and I fear I shall never
    again meet with one so useful, so complacent and loving as
    Colonel Morgan was; he died very poor, his great family having
    little to support them; his eldest daughter is since married to
    Serjeant-Major Bindlosse of good estate."[96]

In fact, after a very short acquaintance the governor had formed a very
high opinion of his late lieutenant, as in a former letter he had
remarked:

"I find the character of Colonel Morgan short of his worth and am
infinitely obliged to his Majesty for sending so worthy a person to
assist me, whom I really cherish as my brother as being thereto tyed by
my duty to his Maj'y and those eminent virtues wch I finde caused his
Maj'y to command it."[97]

Colonel Cary in his official narrative of the expedition reported that:

"The Lieutenant-General [Morgan] died, not with any wound, but being
ancient and corpulent, by hard marching and extraordinary heat fell and
died, and I took command of the party by the desire of all."[98]

He mentioned the capture of four colours, twenty cannon, a quantity of
small arms and munitions, 942 slaves, besides horses, goats, and sheep.
More than three hundred Dutch inhabitants were deported. His success was
short-lived, as the privateers soon dispersed in search of other spoils.
Cary, with other officers, was forced to return to Jamaica, leaving
their conquests to be recovered by a Dutch squadron before the end of
the same year. No attempt was made to take Curacao, although it was a
much more tempting object as it was then a great depot of contraband
trade with the Spaniards, nor for the expulsion of the French from
Tortuga, as had been planned.

Beeston noted significantly in his journal under date of the 20th
August, 1665, when the result of the expedition against the Dutch was
still unknown, that "Captain Freeman and others arrived from the taking
of the towns of Tobascoe and Villa de Moos in the bay of Mexico, and
although there had been peace with the Spaniards not long since
proclaimed, yet the privateers went out and in, as if there had been an
actual war, without commissions."

Several weeks later the three chief leaders in this daring series of
raids, Captains Jackman, Henry Morgan, and John Morris, returned from a
prolonged cruise which they had undertaken soon after the capture of San
Francisco de Campeche, in which they had taken part. They were closely
questioned by the governor, who caused their statements to be put into
the form of a narrative and sent to his patron, the Duke of Albemarle.

    "Having been out 22 months," they said, "and hearing nothing of
    the cessation of hostilities between the King and the Spaniards,
    they sailed in January last, according to the commission from
    Lord Windsor to prey upon that nation, up the River Tabasco in
    the Bay of Mexico, and guided by Indians, marched with 107 men,
    300 miles to avoid discovery to Villdemos [Villa de Mosa] which
    they took and plundered, capturing 300 prisoners, but on
    returning to the mouth of the river they found that their ships
    had been taken by the Spaniards, who soon attacked them with
    ships and 300 men. They gave a short account of this fight, in
    which the Spaniards were beaten off without the loss of a man.
    They then fitted out two barques and four canoes, took Rio Carta
    with 30 men and stormed a breastwork there, killing 15 and
    taking the rest prisoners, crossed the Bay of Honduras, watering
    at the Isle of Rattan [Roatan], took the town of Truxillo and a
    vessel in the road, and came to the Mosquitos, where the Indians
    are hostile to the Spaniards, and nine of them willingly came
    with them. They then anchored in Monkey Bay near the Nicaragua
    river, up which they went in canoes, passing three falls, for a
    distance of 37 leagues, where began the entrance to a fair
    laguna or lake, which they judged to be in size 50 leagues by
    30, of sweet water, full of excellent fish, with its banks full
    of brave pastures and savannahs, covered with horses and cattle,
    where they had as good beef and mutton as any in England. Hiding
    by day under keys and islands and rowing all night, by the
    advice of their Indian guides, they landed near the city of Gran
    Granada, marched undiscried into the centre of the city, fired a
    volley, overturned 18 great guns in the Parada Place, took the
    serjeant-major's house, wherein were all their arms and
    ammunition, secured in the Great Church 300 of the best men
    prisoners, abundance of which were churchmen, plundered for 16
    hours, discharged the prisoners, sunk all the boats and so came
    away. This town is bigger than Portsmouth with seven churches
    and a very fair cathedral, besides divers colleges and
    monasteries, all built of free stone, as also are most of their
    houses. They have six companies of horse and foot besides
    Indians and slaves in abundance. Above 1,000 of these Indians
    joined the privateers in plundering, and would have killed the
    prisoners, especially the churchmen, imagining the English would
    keep the place, but finding they would return home, requested
    them to come again, and in the meantime have secured themselves
    in the mountains. A few of them came away and are now in
    Martin's vessel, who, being a Dutchman and fearing his
    entertainment at Jamaica, has put into Tortugas. At the end of
    the large lagoon they took a vessel of 100 tons and an island as
    large as Barbados, called Lida, which they plundered. The air
    here is very cool and wholesome, producing, as the inhabitants
    told them, all sorts of European grains, herbs, and fruits in
    great plenty; that five leagues from the head of the lagoon is a
    port town on the South Seas, called Realleyo, [Realejo] where
    the King of Spain has ships built for trading between Panama and
    Peru, and that there is a better passage to the lake by
    Bluefields River to the northeast, and another to the southeast
    through Costa Rica, almost to Porto Bello, a country inhabited
    by creolians, mulattos, and Indians, whom the Spaniards dare not
    trust with arms. The Indians are driven to rebellion by cruelty
    and there is no reconciling them. They told them also of a city
    called Segovia, where there are many sheep with excellent fine
    wool. By comparing this relation with maps and histories it
    appears that this country is in the middle of the Spanish
    dominions in America, dividing Peru from Mexico, both being very
    convenient to infest by sea, but being environed by inaccessible
    hills, rocks, and mountains, very difficult, if not impossible,
    to be attacked by land. The wealth of the place is such that the
    first plunder will pay for the venture, being well supplied
    with commodities and food and free from vermin; the assistance
    of the Indians and negro slaves, if well handled, will be very
    considerable; the creolians will not be long obstinate, when
    they feel the freedom and ease of his Majesty's government;
    2,000 men, some say 500, may easily conquer all this quarter,
    the Spaniards in their large dominions being so far asunder,
    they are the easier subdued. This place can be reached by eight
    or ten days' sail; the proper time to attempt it is between
    March and August, the rest being rainy months when the rivers
    are high and the strength of their streams not to be stemmed. I
    have represented this matter to your Grace," Modyford commented,
    "being convinced that if ever the reasons of State at home
    require any attempt on the Spanish Indies, this is the properest
    place and the most probable to lay a foundation for the conquest
    of the whole."[99]

In these closing remarks the governor practically repeated what he had
written to Cromwell ten years before. Yet for some reason he deferred
transmitting this narrative until the following March. England was in
open war with Holland and France, and what course the court of Spain
would pursue was yet very uncertain. Its sympathy with the Dutch had
been openly manifested in the presence of the English ambassador.
Spanish ships of war continued to take English vessels whenever they
could and to treat their prisoners as pirates. The restitution of
Jamaica was still demanded. English captives confined at Seville as well
as in several prisons in Spanish America still clamoured in vain for
liberty.

This small band of dauntless adventurers had penetrated the Spanish
provinces of Central America for many hundreds of miles, had taken and
pillaged three important and populous towns, and had escaped with their
spoil, unharmed. The river Tabasco, Dampier stated, was the best known
of any flowing into the gulf of Campeachy from southern Mexico. No
settlement had then been made upon it lower than twenty-five miles from
its mouth, where a fort was built and outposts established with Indians
as sentries to guard against surprise. The long roundabout march of the
raiders had been made to avoid this post, as Villa de Mosa was situated
only twelve miles further up. The produce of the province of Honduras
was mainly shipped from Truxillo. That exported from the fruitful plain
of Nicaragua was taken to Granada and conveyed down the Desaguadero, or
as it is now called, the San Juan river, in small decked boats of thirty
tons or less. The ascent of this narrow, shallow, winding stream, even
in the coolest weather, was a task of enormous toil and hardship.[100]

Modyford found himself in a very embarrassing situation. The defence of
Jamaica had been left to its own resources by the removal of the ships
of the royal navy and the disbandment of the army. Those resources were
mainly controlled by the privateers. He was absolutely powerless, and
probably had little desire to punish the recent offenders, foremost
among them being the nephew of the late lieutenant-governor and Sir
Thomas Morgan, a friend of the powerful Duke of Albemarle.

He continued his fruitless efforts to restrain private ships of war from
further hostilities against the Spaniards, which a knowledge of these
successful raids had probably greatly stimulated as they had revealed at
once the great wealth and the weakness of those provinces. Learning in
November, after Colonel Cary had returned, that a raid was being planned
upon Cuba, he directed Colonel Beeston to go with three or four
privateers then in Port Royal in search of several others, with
instructions to dissuade them from this project and induce them to
attack the Dutch instead. After seeking for a squadron of privateers
without success for several weeks, Beeston returned without having
accomplished his mission. In his journal he stated that "this parcell of
ships and privateers were commanded by Mansell, [Mansfield] and he cared
for dealing with no enemy but the Spaniards, nor would go against
Curacao, neither were any of them taken notice of for plundering the
Spaniards, it being what was desired by the generality, as well the
government as privateers."

Finally the situation was seen to be so critical that on the 22nd
February, 1666, it was considered at a meeting of the Council. Besides
the governor, who presided, eight members were present and after some
deliberation, the following astonishing resolution was passed
unanimously and entered on the Minutes:

    "Resolved that it is in the interest of the island to have
    letters of marque granted against the Spaniard.

    "1. Because it furnishes the island with many necessary
    commodities at easy rates.

    "2. It replenishes the island with coin, bullion, cocoa,
    logwood, hides, tallow, indigo, cochineal, and many other
    commodities, whereby the men of New England are invited to bring
    their provisions and many merchants to reside at Port Royal.

    "3. It helps the poorer planters by selling provisions to the
    men-of-war.

    "4. It hath and will enable many to buy slaves and settle
    plantations, as Harmenson, Brinicain, and many others, who have
    considerable plantations.

    "5. It draws down yearly from the Windward Islands many an
    hundred of English, French, and Dutch, many of whom turn
    planters.

    "6. It is the only means to keep the buccaneers on Hispaniola,
    Tortuga, and the South and North Quays of Cuba from being their
    enemies and infesting their plantations.

    "7. It is a great security to the island that the men-of-war
    often intercept Spanish advices and give intelligence to the
    Governor, which they often did in Colonel D'Oyley's time and
    since.

    "8. The said men-of-war bring no small benefit to his Majesty
    and his Royal Highness by the 15ths and 10ths.

    "9. They keep many able artificers at work in Port Royal and
    elsewhere at Extraordinary wages.

    "10. Whatsoever they get the soberer part bestow in
    strengthening their old ships, which in time will grow
    formidable.

    "11. They are of great reputation to this island and of terror
    to the Spaniard, and keep up a high and military spirit in all
    the inhabitants.

    "12. It seems to be the only means to force the Spaniards in
    time to a free trade, all ways of kindness producing nothing of
    good neighbourhood, for though all old commissions have been
    called in and no new ones granted, and many of their ships
    restored, yet they continue all acts of hostility, taking our
    ships and murdering our people, making them work at their
    fortifications and then sending them into Spain, and very lately
    they denied an English fleet, bound for the Dutch colonies,
    wood, water, or provisions. For which reasons it was unanimously
    concluded that the granting of said commissions did
    extraordinarily conduce to the strengthening, preservation,
    enriching, and advancing the settlement of this island."[101]

Their motives for advising the employment of privateers for making war
upon the commerce and possessions of Spain in America, could hardly have
been more plainly stated.

Soon after his return to Jamaica as governor Modyford had reported to
Albemarle "the decay of the forts and wealth of Port Royal", but
affirmed that he had continued to discountenance and reprimand the
privateers engaged in hostilities with the Spaniards until he had
received a letter from the Duke advising "gentle usage of them".
"Still", he remarked in a letter dated the 6th of March, 1665, "they
went to decay."

After a serious consideration of these letters with the King and Lord
Chancellor, Albemarle had written to Modyford on June 1 following,
giving him permission to refuse or grant commissions against the
Spaniards to private ships of war at his discretion "as should seem most
to the advantage of the King's service and the benefit of the island."

Modyford replied that he was glad to receive this authority, but had
decided to make no use of it unless he was forced to do so by the most
urgent necessity. Afterwards he saw "how poor the fleets returning from
Statia [St. Eustatia] were, so that vessels were broken up and the men
disposed of for the coast of Cuba to get a livelihood, and so be wholly
lost from us. Many stayed at the Windward Isles, having not enough to
pay their engagements, and at Tortuga among the French buccaneers."
Still he had abstained from resorting to that desperate expedient,
"hoping", he said, "that their hardships and great hazards would reclaim
them from that course of life." But on learning that the town-guard of
Port Royal, which had numbered six hundred men in Colonel Morgan's time,
had dwindled to 130, he had assembled the Council to provide for its
reinforcement from the militia of other parts of the island. The members
had declared that "the only way to fill Port Royal with men was to grant
commissions against the Spaniards, which they were very pressing in." He
had required them to state their reasons in the Minutes, and "looking on
their weak condition, the chief merchants gone from Port Royal, no
credit given to privateers for victualling, &c., and rumours of a war
with the French often repeated," he had consented to comply. A
proclamation announcing this fateful decision was accordingly made by
beat of drum through the streets of Port Royal on February 27.[102]

The resolution of the Council accompanied by the narrative of the
successful raids into the heart of Central America, was immediately
transmitted to Albemarle, with a covering letter, in which Modyford made
some significant remarks.

    "Every action", he said, "gives new encouragement to attempt the
    Spaniard, finding them in all places very weak and very wealthy.
    Two or three hundred privateers lately on the coast of Cuba,
    being denied provisions for money, marched 42 miles into the
    country, took and fired the town of Santo Spirito, [Sancti
    Spiritu] routed a body of 200 horse, carried their prisoners to
    their ships, and for their ransom had 300 fat beeves sent down.
    Many of their blacks would not go back, but stay with our men,
    and are willingly kept for guides. They are since closed with
    the other part of the fleet bound for Curacao. All this was done
    without order from hence, under colour of Portugal commissions,
    under which if not reduced they will prey upon the Spaniards,
    and in time be totally alienated from this place, which we must
    prevent or perish, and no expedient but commissions against the
    Spaniard can do it."[103]

The ambitious and not over-scrupulous French governor of the buccaneer
resort at Tortuga, knowing that war against England would soon be
declared, was making every effort in his power to attract the privateers
from Jamaica to that island, offering to obtain for them Portuguese
letters-of-marque, as France had made a treaty of peace with Spain.
This, he asserted, was the only means of retaining their friendship as
they would become enemies rather than renounce their hopes of
plunder.[104]

St. Eustatia and Saba had long since been recovered by the Dutch, but
Captains Searle and Stedman had taken Tobago from them. After Beeston's
return, Modyford employed Colonel Cary to make a second effort to engage
the English privateers to make an attack upon Curacao. Cary held a
conference with them and reported that they had agreed unanimously to
undertake this enterprise, had chosen Captain Edward Mansfield as their
admiral, and had sailed from the South Cays of Cuba towards that island.
They had even given him a letter to deliver to Modyford, "professing
much zeal in his Majesty's service and a firm intention to attack
Curacao. They are much wasted in numbers," Modyford observed, "many
being gone to the French, where Portugal commissions are of force
against the Spaniard."[105]

[Footnote 63: _Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon_, by himself, III, p.
407.]

[Footnote 64: British ships, cleared outwards, increased in tonnage from
95,266 in 1663 to 190,533 in 1688; exports and imports increased from
2,922,832 in 1662 to 4,316,000 in 1688; _Cunningham_, III, 931-3.]

[Footnote 65: Beer, _Old Colonial System_, I, pp. 325-7, 333;
Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_, II, pp. 144-9.]

[Footnote 66: Heathcote MSS., Henry Norwood to Richard Fanshaw, 15th
Dec., 1664, p. 171.]

[Footnote 67: Pepys, _Diary_, 20th Sept., 1664; Harris, _Life of Edward
Mountague_, I, pp. 283-4.]

[Footnote 68: Heathcote MSS., p. 175, Williamson to Sir Andrew King,
16th January, 1664-5.]

[Footnote 69: Osmond Airy, _Charles II._, p. 209.]

[Footnote 70: Barbour, _Earl of Arlington_, pp. 23-4, 75; Beer, _Old
Colonial System_, I, pp. 326-7.]

[Footnote 71: Heathcote MSS., Henry Rumbold to Richard Fanshaw, Cadiz,
21 March, 1663.]

[Footnote 72: Heathcote MSS., Henry Rumbold to Sir Richard Fanshaw, 21
March, 1663.]

[Footnote 73: Heathcote MSS., Henry Rumbold to Sir Richard Fanshaw, 21
March, 1663.]

[Footnote 74: _Acts of the Privy Council_, I, No. 509, 28th March,
1661.]

[Footnote 75: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
613, 23rd December, 1663; No. 530, 24th August, 1664.]

[Footnote 76: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
739, 30th April, 1664.]

[Footnote 77: _Calendar of State Papers_, Thomas Lynch to Sir Henry
Bennet, Jamaica, 25th May, 1764, No. 744.]

[Footnote 78: The payment of 1,200 was authorized to him for the
expense of transporting a thousand persons from Barbados to Jamaica,
_Acts of the Privy Council_, I, No. 637, 21st October, 1664.]

[Footnote 79: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
786, Sir Thomas Modyford to Sir James Modyford.]

[Footnote 80: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
753, The King to Sir Thomas Modyford, 15th June, 1664.]

[Footnote 81: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
789, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, E. This was probably the Spanish
ship, _Sancto Christo_, taken by the frigate, _Hopeful Adventure_. In
December, 1665, Giles Litcot was ordered to restore the logwood and
tobacco to the owner, Don Ximenes de Bohergues, or pay their full value
in money. He settled the account in May, 1667, _Acts of the Privy
Council_, I, No. 667.]

[Footnote 82: _Journal_, p. 154.]

[Footnote 83: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
839.]

[Footnote 84: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
811.]

[Footnote 85: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
843.]

[Footnote 86: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
842, Modyford to Sir Henry Bennet, 20th February, 1665; No. 876,
Modyford to Lord Arlington, 12th April, 1665.]

[Footnote 87: Feurtado, _Official and Other Personages in Jamaica_.]

[Footnote 88: Long, _History of Jamaica_, I, pp. 196-7.]

[Footnote 89: _The Present State of Jamaica_, London, 1683, p. 40.]

[Footnote 90: Record Office of Jamaica, _Liber of Wills_, folio 7.]

[Footnote 91: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1085, Modyford to Arlington, 16th November, 1665.]

[Footnote 92: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Edward Morgan to Arlington, 12th April, 1665, No. 977.]

[Footnote 93: Dr. Johnson defined "purchase" to mean "anything of which
possession is taken."]

[Footnote 94: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
979, Modyford to Arlington, 20th April, 1665.]

[Footnote 95: The _Speaker_, 18 guns, Maurice Williams; _St. John_, 12,
John Harman; _Civilian_, 16, Garret Garretson; _Pearl_, 9, Robert
Searle; _Olive Branch_, 6, John Outlaw; _Trueman_, 6, Albert Bernardson;
_Susannah_, 2, Nath. Cobham; _Mayflower_, 1, John Bamfield; galliott, 1,
Abr. Malarka.]

[Footnote 96: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1085, Modyford to Arlington, 16 November, 1665.]

[Footnote 97: Modyford to Arlington, Barbados, 10th May, 1664, quoted by
C. E. Long.]

[Footnote 98: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1086, Narrative by Colonel Theod. Cary of the expedition against the
Dutch.]

[Footnote 99: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1142, i.]

[Footnote 100: Dampier, _Voyages to Campeachy_, pp. 109-110; A. P.
Newton, _Puritan Colonization_, p. 194.]

[Footnote 101: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1138, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica.]

[Footnote 102: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1264, Modyford to Albemarle, 21st August, 1666; Beeston's _Journal_, p.
287.]

[Footnote 103: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1132, Modyford to Albemarle, 1st March, 1666.]

[Footnote 104: Raynal, _Histoire des Isles Franoises en Amerique_, p.
161.]

[Footnote 105: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1146, Modyford to Arlington, 8th March, 1666.]




  CHAPTER III

  OLD PROVIDENCE, PUERTO PRINCIPE, AND PUERTO BELLO


When Henry Morgan returned to Port Royal from Central America with his
companions, Jackman and Morris, after an absence of not less than
twenty-nine months, he was thirty years of age and had acquired
considerable celebrity as an active and successful commander of a
privateer, and probably a satisfactory share of prize money as a result
of this long cruise. He then learned, perhaps with some surprise, that
his uncle, Edward Morgan, had been appointed deputy-governor of Jamaica,
but had died, leaving in the island a family of six children, several of
them; being still minors. It seems that he then became first acquainted
with these cousins and not long afterwards was married to the second
surviving daughter, Mary Elizabeth, who according to her father's will
had become heiress to his "pretence" or interest in the ancestral estate
of Llanrhymney in Wales. Her elder sister, Anna Petronella, had already
become the wife of Major Robert Byndloss, who had been a member for
Cagway of the first House of Assembly, and was then commandant of Port
Charles and a member of the Council. He was the owner of a fine estate
of about two thousand acres in the Vale of St. Thomas, which still bears
his name.

The exact date of Henry Morgan's marriage has not been ascertained. It
is nearly certain that it took place at Port Royal, and the register of
marriages in that parish before 1727 has been lost.

The parish records of St. Catherine show that on the 30th November,
1671, Joanna Wilhelmina, Edward Morgan's third surviving daughter, was
married to Colonel Henry Archbould, of Constant Spring, also a member of
the Council, and the proprietor of one of the largest tracts of land in
the island.[106] He was many years her senior.

Henry Morgan's relationship with the deceased deputy-governor and his
marriage to his daughter were probably factors in obtaining the favour
of the governor and council, combined with his undoubted energy and
ability.

No reliable record has been found of his being engaged in privateering
for the next two years. The untrustworthy _History of the Bucaniers_
indeed states that Edward Mansfield, who is called "Mansvelt", selected
him as his second in command, and that he accompanied him to Old
Providence. This statement has been repeated by several later writers,
including Sir J. K. Laughton in his article on Morgan in the _Dictionary
of National Biography_, but is not supported by any contemporary
evidence of weight. The fatigue and hardship endured in his recent
arduous expeditions prompted him to seek rest and relaxation in the life
of a planter.

Nothing was heard from Mansfield in Jamaica until about the end of May,
1666, when two of the ships that had sailed with him came into Port
Royal with the news of his failure to accomplish anything against the
Dutch. They reported that Curacao might have been taken, but "the
private soldiers aboard the _Admiral_ were against it, averring that
there was more profit with less hazard to be gotten against the
Spaniard, which was their only interest."[107]

Mansfield then complied with their wishes, probably with little
reluctance, as his own inclinations seem to have agreed with theirs. A
Spanish prisoner offered to conduct them to Cartago, the thriving
capital of the wealthy province of Costa Rica, which they were told was
rich and unfortified. A landing was made at Punta del Toro in the bay of
Almirante, near Matina in the "kingdom of Veragua", on April 8, and they
marched rapidly ninety miles inland in the hope of taking Cartago by
surprise. As long as they were in the lowlands they had little
difficulty in obtaining provisions by plundering the native
plantations, but after ascending the Cordillera little could be
procured. Quarrels over the partition of this scanty supply began
between the English and the French. After entering the town of
Turrialba, 2,500 feet above the sea level, now renowned for the
excellence of its pineapples, they found their further advance stiffly
opposed. Mansfield's followers are said to have numbered six hundred men
of several nationalities, speaking different languages, as among them,
besides many English, there were Flemings, French, Genoese, Greeks,
Levantines, Portuguese, Indians, and negroes. Chief among his officers
were named John Davis, Joseph Bradley, and the Frenchman, Jean Le Maire.

His advanced guard swam across the river Reventazon, and at the hacienda
of Don Alonso de Bonilla, sargento-mayor of the province, they surprised
a party of native labourers, whom they tried to capture to prevent them
giving an alarm. A Christian Indian, named Estaban Yapiri, escaped by
swimming the stream under fire, and ran to his distant home at the
village of Teotique, where he informed the curate, Don Juan de Luna, who
sent a warning message to Cartago. The governor, Don Juan Lopez de la
Flor, had already been warned by the President of the Audiencia of
Panama to be on his guard against a probable attack. He was a veteran
soldier, long schooled in the wars of Flanders, and had ordered the
militia to be in readiness. After receiving this information before
daybreak on April 14, he instructed the sargento-mayor, Alonso de
Bonilla, who is described as the worthy descendant of a _conquestador_,
to reconnoitre the road leading toward Matina with four trusty scouts.
Captain Pedro de Venegas followed in support with thirty-six regular
soldiers, having orders to build barricades in the narrow defile of
Quebrada Honda, through which the raiders must necessarily pass. Next
day larger bodies of horse and foot were sent forward to man these
defences, under officers bearing the honoured names of Alvarado,
Bolivar, and Guevara. Lastly the governor himself took the field with
six hundred men, ill-armed but resolute, for, as the modern historian of
the country avers with pride, these Spanish colonists had not, like so
many others, lost the soldierly qualities of their ancestors. The
bracing climate of the mountains had maintained their physical strength,
and constant conflicts with the Indians had trained them for military
life.

When Mansfield's men entered Turrialba on the morning of April 15, they
saw a saddled mule in the street, and were told by an Indian woman that
it belonged to Sargento-mayor Alonso de Bonilla, who was close by with a
party of musketeers, and that the governor awaited their advance at
Quebrada with a large force. They took possession of the Cabildo, or
chapter-house, and some Indian cabins. They killed animals for food,
wantonly smashed the images in the church, cut down fruit trees, and
committed other depredations. They loudly proclaimed their intention of
marching into Cartago to drink chocolate with the governor, and inquired
whether the women of that city were beautiful. Although the road over
which they had come was so rough that the governor said it must have
been made by lunatics, they seemed to be in the highest spirits. But on
learning that the whole force of the surrounding country was being
assembled to oppose him, Mansfield prudently held a council of war.
While it was deliberating Bonilla's small party began firing upon the
village from the woods, with some effect. The council then decided that
a further advance was inadvisable, as it was probable that the people of
the city had concealed their valuables and they were certain to meet
with a stout resistance. Next morning a hasty retreat began to Matina,
leaving behind them some arms and equipments. The governor pursued for
some miles but took only two stragglers. A few men were drowned in
crossing swollen streams, but the privateers regained their ships with
slight loss but greatly disappointed. Before embarking Mansfield took
measures to ensure the friendship of the Indians of Tariaca by giving
them presents and, assuring them of his firm intention to return soon,
he advised them to plant maize for the supply of his force and to form a
close alliance with the Talamanca tribe against the Spaniards.

His sudden retreat was ascribed by the more devout inhabitants of
Cartago to the miraculous intervention of "Our Lady of the Conception",
whose image presented by King Philip II to the Franciscans of Costa
Rica, was then an object of great veneration in the convent church of
the neighbouring village of Ujarraz. Witnesses were not wanting who
declared that they, as well as their enemies, had seen on the heights
above Turrialba, a host of spectral warriors headed by a radiant
feminine form. They firmly believed these ghostly auxiliaries to be an
army of angels led by the Virgin Mary, who had come to the aid of her
chosen people, and for a hundred years at least, an annual procession of
pious pilgrims to her shrine at Ujarraz commemorated this legend.[108]

Mansfield was then deserted by four ships, two of which returned to Port
Royal and two went to Tortuga. To obtain a convenient base for future
operations he decided to attempt the capture of the island of Santa
Catalina, or Old Providence, lying off the eastern coast of Nicaragua,
near the edge of the long shoal known as the Moskito Bank, almost
equidistant from Cartagena, Puerto Bello, and Jamaica, and very close to
the usual route of Spanish ships sailing between those two important
ports on the Main and Havana and Vera Cruz. For about ten years that
island had been the seat of an English Puritan colony, founded by a
group of friends, including several of the richest peers and leading
commoners of the Kingdom. Its most noted members were the Earl of
Warwick, who had made several visits to the West Indies, his son-in-law,
Lord Mandeville, heir of the Earl of Manchester, Lord Saye and Sele, the
Earl of Bedford, John Pym, John Hampden, and St. John. In the last days
of this colony, this island had become a favourite resort for English
privateers, who preyed upon Spanish commerce. The forcible expulsion of
the settlers by the Spaniards, who had killed some of them and cruelly
maltreated others, was the subject of bitter complaint by Cromwell, to
whom the history of the colony was well known. In his letter to Major
General Fortescue, already quoted, he said it was a place he "could
heartily wish were in our hands again, believing it lies so
advantageously in reference, and especially for the hindrance of the
Peru trade and Cartagena, that you might not only have great advantage
thereby of intelligence and surprise, but even block up the same."[109]

As Mansfield was then an elderly man and had been engaged as a privateer
for many years, he had probably visited the place and knew its
advantages well. The soil was fertile, and the island was well supplied
with springs of fresh water. The climate was healthy. The coast was
difficult of access and could be easily fortified. The whole island was
nearly surrounded by an impassable reef of jagged rocks, through which
one winding channel, so narrow as to admit the passage only of a single
ship at one time, led into a fine, safe harbour, where sixty or eighty
vessels, of as much as three hundred tons, might anchor together in
perfect security.

Mansfield had still under his command four English privateers and two
French "rovers", with perhaps two hundred men. They succeeded in taking
the island with very slight opposition. Here popular rumour said they
intended "to set up for themselves". In fact, Mansfield arrived at Port
Royal on June 12 to report his success and invite the governor to
furnish a garrison of soldiers to retain his conquest as a dependency of
Jamaica.

    "Mansfield complains", so Modyford wrote, "that the disobedience
    of several officers and soldiers was the cause of their not
    proceeding on the design of Curacao. In the meantime, the old
    fellow was resolved (as he tells me) never to see my face again
    unless he had done some service to his Majesty, and therefore
    with 200 men, which were all that were left him and about eighty
    of them French, he resolved to attempt the island of Providence,
    which was formerly English, and by the Spaniards' whole armada
    taken from us in 1641, and ever since carefully garrisoned. In
    order to do this he set sail, and being an excellent coaster,
    which is his chief, if not his only virtue, in the night he
    came within half a mile of it by an unusual passage among rocks,
    and in the early morning landed, marched four leagues, surprised
    the governor, [Don Estaban del Campo] who was taken prisoner.
    The soldiers got into the fort, being about 200, but on
    conditions to be landed on the main they yielded. Twenty-six
    pieces of ordnance, 100 double jars of powder, shot and all
    things necessary were found, and the fort very strongly built,
    they acknowledge very little plunder, only 150 negroes; they
    brought off 100, and left Captain Hattsell[110] keeper of the
    magazine, and so have rendered it to me for his Majesty's
    account; they say that many of the guns have Queen Elizabeth's
    arms engraven on them. I have as yet only reproved Mansfield for
    doing it without his Majesty's express orders, lest I should
    drive them from that allegiance which they make great
    professions of now more than ever. Neither could I without
    manifest imprudence but accept the tender of it in his Majesty's
    behalf, and considering its good situation for favouring any
    design on the rich main, lying near the river which leads to the
    lake [of Nicaragua], I hold it my duty to reinforce that
    garrison, and to send some able person to command it. Meantime
    we are increasing apace in ships and men, privateers daily
    coming in and submitting to the strictness of the Commissions
    and instructions I put on them for his Majesty's service."[111]

Some men were then living in Jamaica, who had been expelled from
Providence, when that island had been taken by the Spaniards a quarter
of a century before, and its recovery was warmly applauded.

As Modyford had no regular soldiers at his disposal he was obliged to
call for volunteers to form a garrison for his new possession. The "able
person" chosen to command them was Major Samuel Smith, of whom little
else is known. With him went the adventurous Sir Thomas Whetstone, late
Speaker of the Assembly, Captain Stanley, and, according to Beeston's
journal, about thirty-two men. Modyford reported officially that he had
sent Major Samuel Smith "with a small supply of men to govern the Isle
of Providence for his Majesty." He added cheerfully that "in sum those
fortunate instructions which your Grace gave me of last June [1665]
being put into execution but since March last, have restored to us all
our English and abundance of Dutch and some French [privateers]."[112]

Yet on the same day he thought it necessary to write another
confidential letter to Albemarle to justify his conduct in issuing
letters-of-marque against Spain and relate its success.

    "Your lordship cannot imagine what a change there was on the
    faces of men and things," he said, "ships repairing, great
    resort of workmen and labourers to Port Royal, many returning,
    many debtors released out of prison, and the ships of the
    Curacao voyage not daring to come in for fear of creditors,
    brought in and fitted out again, so that the regimental forces
    at Port Royal are near 400. Had it not been for that seasonable
    action, I could not have kept this place against French
    buccaniers, who would have ruined all the seaside plantations,
    whereas I now draw from them mainly, and lately David Marteen,
    the best man of Tortuga, that has two frigates at sea, has
    promised to bring in both."[113]

The great impulse thus given to privateering soon convinced the Council
that stricter regulations must be adopted to govern the conduct of
seamen to whom such commissions were granted, and a resolution was
entered upon its Minutes declaring that "it was advisable to give the
Commanders of men-of-war these moderate instructions: To give fair
quarter when demanded; to send all their prisoners hither; to receive
into their ships all buccaneers of the Protestant religion and others
who will take the oath of fidelity to the King; to be industrious to
disable them [the Spaniards] of all barques, boats, and vessels
whatever."[114]

What was admitted to be a serious reverse soon followed. On being
informed of the capture of the island of Santa Catalina so soon after
the bold though unsuccessful invasion of Costa Rica, Don Juan Perez
Guzman, a knight of the order of Santiago, who had lately been appointed
governor of the Tierra Firme and the province of Veragua, became greatly
alarmed, and took prompt measures for its recovery. It had been taken by
Mansfield on May 3. In a few days this was known at Puerto Bello, and on
May 25 the English ship, _Concord_, of 200 tons, lying at anchor in that
harbour, was seized by order of the commandant. Her master, Henry Wasey,
who had a licence to trade, was confined in irons and accused of being a
spy. On June 14, Guzman assembled his council at Panama and told the
members that the depredations of the "pirates" upon the Spanish
dominions made it absolutely necessary to send a sufficient force at
once to retake Santa Catalina, otherwise "such conquests would soon
enable them to become masters of all these countries." Some members of
the council dissented, saying that the enemy could not provision
themselves in that barren island and would be forced to abandon it,
without causing them to incur the trouble and expense of sending an
expedition to expel them. In spite of this objection, the governor,
"como valiente Soldado que era", ordered large supplies to be taken to
Puerto Bello and went there himself, "at great risk of his life", said a
Spanish engineer. Arriving on July 7 he found in the harbour a good ship
called the _San Vicente_, belonging to the "Compania de los Negros",
well armed, manned, and victualled, and even loaded with munitions. This
vessel, the _Concord_ and a New England ketch, were at once impressed as
transports. Joseph Sanchez Ximinez, major of the town of Puerto Bello,
was appointed to command the expedition, composed of 270 soldiers,
thirty-seven prisoners from the island, thirty-four Spaniards from the
garrison, twenty-nine mulattoes from Panama, twelve Indians, who were
expert archers, seven constables, who were skilled artillerists, two
adjutants, two pilots, a surgeon, and a priest of the "Orden Serafico",
as confessor. The governor gave the officers careful instructions and
told them that the governor of Cartagena would co-operate with ships,
troops, and all things needful in compliance with a letter written to
him. The wind being favourable on July 14, he addressed the whole
force, exhorting them to fight valiantly against the enemies of the
Catholic religion, and particularly against those accursed pirates, who
had committed so many atrocious crimes upon the subjects of his Catholic
Majesty, promising liberal rewards to all, but chiefly to those who
should distinguish themselves in the King's service.

Sailing that day, Ximinez arrived at Cartagena on July 22, and on
delivering Guzman's letter to the governor, he was promised the
assistance of a frigate, a galleon, and a barque with 126 men, half of
them being soldiers of the garrison and the rest mulattoes. With this
reinforcement Ximinez again set sail on August 2, and on the 10th came
in sight of the island. After contending for some hours with adverse
winds and currents, he entered the harbour and anchored, having lost his
barque in a gale on the hidden reef called Quita Senora. The garrison
fired round shot at his ships from three guns, whose fire was returned
in like manner. Ximinez then sent an officer to demand the surrender of
the island which he declared had been "taken at the point of the sword"
in time of peace between England and Spain. Smith replied that it had
formerly been an English possession and he would die in its defence
rather than comply.

Next morning three negroes deserted from the garrison and came on board
the flagship. They told the admiral that it consisted only of
seventy-two men, who were much dismayed at seeing so large a force
brought against them. Encouraged by this news the Spaniards landed and
advanced towards the nearest intrenchment under a brisk artillery fire,
to which they replied from their own guns until nightfall. This mutual
cannonade was continued for two whole days at intervals, with little
apparent effect on either side. Then on Sunday, August 5, being the
anniversary of "the ascent to Heaven of our Lady", the flagship, _San
Vicente_, fired two full broadsides at the battery called "la
Concepcion", while the Vice-Admiral directed his fire upon another
called "Santiago". When those works were abandoned troops were landed
and took possession of them without resistance. They next advanced
toward the gate of the main fort, named "Cortadura". Adjutant Francisco
de Caceres, approaching this fortification with only five men, was
driven back by the discharge of a cannon loaded with fragments of metal,
which plainly revealed that the English had no proper ammunition. They
had broken up the organ in the church and fired away sixty of its pipes
at one shot. Meanwhile Captain Juan de Galeno, climbing over the hills
in the rear with ninety men, had taken the castle of Santa Teresa,
driving a handful of men who had occupied it into Cortadura. Don Juan de
Leyba then advanced against that fort with sixty men from the Concepcion
battery, while Ximinez crossed the harbour with his main force and moved
upon it from another direction. Finding themselves menaced with assault
on three sides at once, and having lost six men killed and many wounded,
the remnant of the garrison surrendered. The royal standard of Spain was
raised in triumph and the victors devoutly returned thanks for the
success they had won on "Lady Day". They admitted the loss of only one
man killed and four wounded. Among the prisoners, seventy in number,
were two Spaniards, who were shot as traitors next morning.

On September 10, an English ship was seen approaching the harbour
cautiously, and one of the prisoners, a Frenchman, called by the
Spaniards Sieur Simon, was sent by them to decoy the stranger into port
with false information, when the vessel was easily taken with all on
board.

The Spanish writer states that the English pirates were confined at
Puerto Bello, with the exception of three who were sent by order of the
governor to labour on the fortifications of the castle of San Geronimo
at Panama, "a most excellent and strong work then being built of solid
rock in the middle of the harbour at the expense of private gentlemen,
the President himself contributing the greatest share."[115]

Such, in brief, is the accepted Spanish account of the recapture of the
island of Santa Catalina, over which they rejoiced greatly as a
considerable achievement.

According to Major Smith's sworn statement, made after nearly two years
of ill-treatment in Spanish prisons, he had only fifty-one effective men
to defend five or six forts on the smaller island. They made a resolute
resistance for three days, when, having been driven out of four of those
forts, he agreed to surrender "upon articles of good quarter, which the
Spaniards did not in the least perform, for the English, about forty,
were immediately made prisoners, and all except Sir Thomas Whetstone,
myself, and Captain Stanley, who were the commanders, were forced to
work in irons and chains at the Spaniards' forts, with many stripes, and
many are since dead through want and ill usage. The said three
commanders were sent to Panama, where they were cast into a dungeon and
bound in irons for seventeen months." Smith was then sent to Havana
where he "was clapped into gaol", but at length liberated and allowed to
return to Jamaica in August, 1668, when his deposition was taken by the
governor and sent to England. He further reported that many English
prisoners were then "lying in irons" at Havana, and he had been credibly
informed that the _Griffin_, commanded by Captain Swaert, on which
Modyford's son had sailed for England, had been sunk by a Spanish
galleon.[116]

The fate of the garrison of Providence had been absolutely unknown in
Jamaica for several months after its surrender, until three emaciated
and wretched men made their escape from captivity at Puerto Bello and
told a pitiful tale of perfidy and ill usage. They had surrendered, they
asserted, upon the express condition of being supplied with a barque to
convey them to Jamaica.

    "But when they laid down their arms," they said, "the Spaniards
    refused them the barque and carried them as slaves to Porto
    Bello, where they were chained to the ground in a dungeon ten
    feet by twelve, in which were thirty-three prisoners. They were
    forced to work in the water from five in the morning till seven
    at night, and at such a rate that the Spaniards confessed they
    made one of them do more work than three negroes, yet when weak
    with want of victuals and sleep, they were knocked down and
    beaten with cudgells, and four or five died. Having no clothes,
    their backs were blistered in the sun, their necks, shoulders,
    and hands raw with carrying stones and mortar, their feet
    chopped, and their legs bruised and battered with the irons, and
    their corpses noisome to one another. The daily abuse of their
    religion and King, and the continual trouble they had with
    friars would be tedious to mention."[117]

The truth of their statements could not be doubted, and after taking
their depositions Modyford complained bitterly that the Spaniards "make
our men slave it in their forts, which is their constant usage to us
when we fall into their hands, while we use them more like friends than
enemies."[118]

Two years later, when he had received and was able to transmit further
information, he remarked with every sign of sincerity:

    "It is certainly true that this island of Providence had never
    any white men on it until the English came, who first felled the
    trees and planted the land; so that though these privateers had
    no order to take it, yet having restored his Majesty to his
    ancient right, the retaking of it is a violation of the peace
    which they so much pretend to in these parts, which, with the
    breach of articles [of capitulation] and ill-usage of our
    countrymen, is humbly referred to further consideration."[119]

When he first wrote he had not learned that his conduct in accepting the
island from its captors had been approved by an act of the Privy Council
and a commission issued on the 10th November, 1666, appointing his
brother, Sir James Modyford, to act as its lieutenant-governor under his
instructions. A report from the Lord Privy Seal upon the condition of
the "miscellany settlement" of Tortuga had also been discussed, and
Modyford was instructed "to weigh well the conveniences that would
arise from settling the said plantation and island under the government
of Jamaica." He was even authorized to expend a thousand pounds in that
undertaking.[120]

Orders were given "to procure some able miners to repair thither and
search for to try the ore" to be found in the mountains of Jamaica.[121]

An emergency embargo had been laid on all merchant ships in English
ports to obtain seamen by impressment for manning the ships of the Royal
Navy, urgently required for service in the war with Holland and France,
but special orders were given for the exemption of the _Jamaica
Merchant_, bound for Port Royal, which was to be allowed to "proceed
freely with idle and vagabond persons and three convicted Quakers."[122]

Some months later the Sheriff of London was commanded to deliver sixty
Quakers, then confined in Newgate prison, to the master of the _Black
Eagle_, to be transported in that ship to Jamaica, and instructions were
sent to the governor to receive them. In this way fifteen members of the
Society of Friends arrived at Port Royal in October, 1664, followed by
sixty-eight in November, and by ten others in February, 1665. A number
were already in the island, and it is stated on good authority that
Colonel John Cope, for many years a member of the Council, was a Quaker.
Six years later George Fox visited Jamaica, where he found three
personal friends, "who had been there labouring in the service of
truth," and held "many meetings there, which were large and very quiet."
He and other missionaries of the sect testified to the kindness shown
them by Lynch and Modyford.[123]

About the end of the troubled year 1666, a memorandum on the affairs of
Jamaica written by Colonel Theodore Cary, then a visitor in England,
was presented to the committee of the Privy Council, advancing "reasons
why private men-of-war are advantageous to Jamaica, and why
discountenancing them will also for the future prove prejudicial to the
settlement of that island."

    "Two of his Majesty's nimble fifth-rate frigates", he continued,
    "would do manifest service in commanding the privateers on all
    occasions to their obedience, making the discovery of any
    enemies' actions, and guarding the coast from rovers. There is
    profitable employment for the privateers in the West Indies
    against the French and Dutch, and being a people that will not
    be brought to planting, they will prey upon the Spaniards
    whether countenanced at Jamaica or not. The Spaniards have so
    inveterate a hatred against the English in those parts that they
    will not hear of any trade or reconciliation, but any of the
    islanders that they can cowardly surprise, they butcher
    inhumanly."[124]

As Cary was undoubtedly in the governor's confidence his advice had
probably considerable weight.

Sir James Modyford arrived in Jamaica on the 15th July, 1667, and
finding no dependent island to govern, was at once appointed by his
brother Lieutenant-General of Jamaica, governor of Port Royal, and first
Judge of the Court of Admiralty. During that summer Beeston noted in his
journal that "the private men-of-war went in and out and brought in
prizes frequently", but it appears that they cruised independently and
undertook no combined major operation.

Lord Arlington must have reprimanded the governor for having granted
letters-of-marque against the Spaniards, as he considered further
excuses expedient.

    "Had my abilities suited so well with my wishes," he wrote in
    reply, "as the latter did with your Lordship's, the privateers
    attempts had only been practised on the Dutch and French, and
    the Spaniards free of them, but I had no money to pay them, nor
    frigates to force them; the former they could not get from our
    declared enemies, nothing could they expect but blows from them,
    and (as they have often repeated to me) 'will that pay for
    sails and rigging?' Had I the often desired frigates, I would
    have compelled them to struggle with their wants and necessities
    until they had fully accomplished his Majesty's intentions; and
    if this last frigate had come so seasonably as she might, it had
    prevented that misfortune which fell upon us."[125]

The misfortune to which he referred must have been the loss of
Providence and perhaps the ill fate of the veteran privateer who had
captured that island. Soon after his return to Port Royal the
enterprising Edward Mansfield had sailed on another cruise, in which his
ship was taken by a Spanish man-of-war of greatly superior force and
carried into Havana. There he and many of his crew were put to death by
order of Davila, the resolute governor of Cuba, who, as a modern
historian of that island relates with satisfaction, executed more than
three hundred pirates within two years.[126]

After hostilities had been conducted covertly for nearly a year France
had openly declared war against England in January, 1667. Bertrand
d'Ogeron, a gentleman of Anjou, for many years an officer in the
"troupes de la marine", but latterly an adventurer on private account in
the West Indies, where by his tact and agreeable manners, he had gained
the good-will and confidence of many buccaneers and privateers of
several nationalities, not excepting the English, had been appointed
governor of Tortuga and the French colony in Hispaniola. By his energy
and foresight he easily forestalled any design of Modyford to occupy
Tortuga, and soon made that place the resort of a formidable fleet of
privateers. When he was appointed he had learned that they were planning
to remove to some more secure and favourable base of operations,
probably Port Royal, and succeeded in retaining them there by a promise
to relinquish his claim to a share in their booty, to which his office
entitled him, and to obtain for them Portuguese letters-of-marque
against Spain, as France was nominally at peace with that country. He
also advanced money without interest to the buccaneers or hunters of
wild cattle, who wished to build houses, or assisted them to borrow from
others.[127] Consequently English commerce with the West Indies and
Jamaica in particular was severely harassed by these privateers as long
as hostilities with France continued.

Finally the repeated applications of Modyford, supported by those of the
merchants and planters, for protection from the Royal Navy, received
some attention. In February, 1668, the Privy Council directed the Lord
High Admiral "to assign one of his Majesty's ships of the fifth-rate for
the defence of his Majesty's plantation of Jamaica, and suppressing the
Insolence of Privateers upon that Coast, the Governor and Planters of
Jamaica undertaking to set out and Victual the said ship and pay the
wages of the seamen, and keep the said ship and furniture in
repair."[128]

Almost a month later the Duke of Albemarle wrote earnestly to the Duke
of York on this subject.

    "The Governor of Jamaica having by several addresses made known
    how advantageous it would be for the defence of the island, for
    the suppression of Privateers, and for the advance of trade and
    commerce, if one of his Majesty's ships were employed thither, I
    have lately moved his Majesty in Council that one of the
    fifth-rate frigates should be forthwith fitted and despatched
    for that service, which was granted, and your Royal Highness was
    pleased to direct the Navy Commissioners to deliver the _Oxford_
    frigate for that occasion. Therefore since the Government has
    undertaken to defray the sheathing of the ship, it is desired
    that orders should be given to the Commissioners of the Navy for
    fitting her with all other repairs. I am assured that this will
    be much for the encouragement of one of the most hopeful of all
    the Plantations in the West Indies."[129]

Next day an Order in Council was duly passed directing that H.M.S.
_Oxford_ "to be employed for the defence of H.M. Plantation of Jamaica,
suppressing the Insolency of Privateers, and the Advance of Trade and
Commerce there", be repaired and delivered to Charles Modyford,
"employed hither from the Governor of Jamaica."[130]

The work of refitting was carried on leisurely until May 20, when on
reading a petition on the subject from Charles Modyford, the Privy
Council made a second order for supplying the _Oxford_ with sails,
cables, and other necessary articles for her voyage. In June Charles
Modyford presented another petition, complaining that notwithstanding
the former order the Commissioners of Ordnance had raised an objection
about delivering powder and gunner's stores under its general wording,
and had desired that it should be "expressed at large", and asked that a
special order should be made for the delivery of these articles as the
ship was then ready to sail.[131] This order was made on July 8,[132]
but on account of these and possibly other delays the best part of a
year had been lost, the _Oxford_ did not arrive at Port Royal until
October 14, and events of very serious importance had happened during
the summer.

Early in the year the governor, alarmed by persistent and very
circumstantial reports of formidable preparations being made in Cuba for
an invasion of the island, having obtained the advice and consent of the
Council, issued a special commission to Colonel Henry Morgan commanding
him "to draw together the English privateers and take prisoners of the
Spanish nation, whereby you may gain information of that enemy to attack
Jamaica, of which I have had frequent and strong advice".[133]

Morgan's military title seems to have been conferred upon him by a
previous commission appointing him to the command of the militia
regiment of Port Royal, in which he had held the rank of captain. In
fact, Beeston's _Journal_ at this time refers to him as General Morgan.
He was thirty-three years of age, and must have acquired considerable
reputation and local influence to justify such a mark of confidence.
This commission has not been found but it is said to have restricted
such hostilities to Spanish ships at sea.

Morgan soon succeeded in assembling ten ships and about five hundred
men. The names of six of the captains have been recorded, being Edward
Collier, John Morrice, sr., Thomas Salter, John Ansell, Thomas Clarke,
and John Morrice, jr. Enrolled in the crews were soldiers of the
disbanded armies of the King and Commonwealth, buccaneers and hunters
from Hispaniola and Jamaica, as well as veteran privateersmen.

With this fleet he sailed to the Isle of Pines, a favourite rendezvous,
where he was joined by two more ships and two hundred men. It is
supposed that he planned an attack upon Havana from that base, by
landing his men in the bay of Batabano and marching overland, with the
expectation of avoiding the artillery of the three strong castles
guarding the harbour and taking the city by surprise from the land side.
The information which he obtained of the strength of the fortifications,
the numbers and preparedness of the garrison and the militia, as well as
the ability and vigilance of the governor, caused him to abandon this
project, if it was ever seriously considered. Yet such an attack was
actually expected by the Spaniards. Nearly a year before, Bishop Saona
de Manosca and the civil magistrates of the province were so much
alarmed by the activity and daring of the English privateers that they
united in publishing an appeal to the inhabitants of Havana, urging them
to strengthen the defences of the city by surrounding it with a wall of
earth and palisades. They asserted that Jamaica alone could send out
fifty ships manned by three thousand men, while the French of Tortuga
could assemble double that force. Although irreconcilable enemies in
Europe, the French of Tortuga, they said, had combined with the English
of Jamaica to capture the island of Santa Catalina, which had lately
been so gloriously retaken by the President of Panama and the Governor
of Cartagena. The venerable prelate reminded his people that he had been
a soldier in his youth, when he had taken part in the defence and siege
of many strong places and had seen veteran armies held in check for many
days by such fortifications. Their efforts had been successful and
Havana had been placed in a good state of defence by land as well as
sea.[134]

The inland town of Santa Maria de Puerto Principe had grown rich by
traffic in cattle and hides. Next to Havana it was reputed to be the
wealthiest place in Cuba, and its situation had hitherto secured it from
attack. Morgan had with him Captain Charles Hadsell and possibly others,
who had escaped from prisons in Cuba and possessed some reliable
knowledge of the neighbouring country and were besides animated by a
fierce desire for revenge.

The clusters of small islets extending for many miles along the southern
coast of Cuba, known to English seamen as the "South Cays", and to the
Spaniards by the more romantic name of "los Jardinos de la Reina", or
the "Queen's gardens", had long been a favourite haunt of the English
privateers for safety and provisions, as turtle and wildfowl were very
numerous. Leaving his ships well hidden among the "Cays" in charge of a
few invalids, Morgan landed the remainder of his men in the bay of Ana
Maria before daybreak on March 30. The difficult and tiring march of
about thirty miles across country was made in a little more than
twenty-four hours. Early in the forenoon of the next day his hungry and
footsore band began to descend the hills overlooking the fertile plain
around Puerto Principe. However, a peasant, whom they had compelled to
act as a guide, got away in the darkness and spread the alarm. The
citizens began to send off their families and movable property. The
alcalde, a brave and resolute soldier, assembled seven hundred men on
foot of all ages and colours, besides a hundred mounted on mules and
ponies. He had armed them with such weapons as could be found and boldly
advanced to meet the raiders. His mounted men followed him in a charge
marked by more courage than discipline, which the privateers easily
repelled by a couple of deliberate and well-aimed volleys of musketry.
The alcalde and some others were killed and the survivors driven off.
Undismayed by the disastrous result of this first encounter, the people
of Puerto Principe fought valiantly in the streets and from the flat
roofs of their houses until they were finally expelled from the town,
and inflicted considerable loss upon their assailants. More than one
hundred of the Spaniards were killed and many taken prisoners. The
damage to their buildings is said to have been small, and the Cuban
historian hints that the English were restrained by a fear of "Davila's
salutary and justifiable reprisals."[135]

[Illustration: Fort Triana at Puerto Bello    _See p. 87_]

Yet there can be little doubt that their houses and shops were
thoroughly ransacked for money and plate. Bulky articles could not
possibly be removed by the rough bridle-paths over the hills to their
ships. Proposals for the payment of a ransom to save the town from
destruction were readily accepted, and an agreement was soon made for
the delivery of a stipulated number of cattle. Morgan's official report
to Modyford, dated five months later at the end of his cruise was very
brief.

    "We were driven to the south keys of Cuba," he wrote, "where,
    being like to starve, and finding French in like condition, we
    put our men ashore, and finding all the cattle driven up country
    and the inhabitants fled, we marched 20 leagues to Porto
    Principe on the north of the island, and with little resistance
    possessed ourselves of the same. There we found that 70 men had
    been pressed to go against Jamaica; that the like levy had been
    made in all the island, and considerable forces were expected
    from Vera Cruz and Campeachy to rendezvous at the Havannah and
    from Porto Bello and Cartagena to rendezvous at St. Jago of
    Cuba, of which I immediately gave notice to Governor Modyford.
    On the Spaniards' entreaty we forbore to fire the town, or bring
    away prisoners, but on delivery of 1,000 beeves, released them
    all."[136]

This unexpected and successful raid upon a town in the heart of Cuba
naturally excited much alarm and indignation both at Havana and
Santiago. A few days after Morgan had evacuated Puerto Principe, Bayona
Villanueva, the governor of that province, wrote testily to the Queen
Regent.

    "The appearance of English and French ships on this coast,
    constantly reconnoitering its harbours, watering-places, and
    hunting grounds leads me to believe that having sacked Puerto
    Principe, and the fact that some of the neighbouring inhabitants
    have been in the habit of paying this kind of ransom to the
    pirates, they intend other attacks. I have thought proper to
    summon the sergeant-major and the alcalde in ordinary before me,
    having already laid a charge against them for misconduct, to
    hear what excuse they can offer for the loss of that town having
    such a greatly increased population, when the advantages of its
    position and the rugged nature of the mountains in an extended
    march of fourteen leagues, should have enabled a body of native
    soldiers, acquainted with the country and trained in
    hill-fighting, although two-thirds less in number, to destroy
    the enemy. If the evidence in the case warrants a conviction,
    they ought to be punished as a warning to those other towns,
    whose inhabitants may be disposed to yield to any insignificant
    number of the enemy rather than risk their lives in so good a
    cause as the defence of their country and their Sovereign."[137]

Morgan had obtained information which induced him to plan an attack upon
Puerto Bello. A month was employed in refitting his ships, killing
cattle, and curing meat for provisioning them for a long cruise.
Although not a large town, Puerto Bello was the most important and
busiest port on the eastern coast of Central America, particularly from
the time of the arrival of the annual fleet from Spain, with its
valuable cargo of European merchandise for the supply of the wealthy
provinces on the Pacific until its departure, laden with the treasures
of their mines and pearl-fisheries some months later. But it was
surrounded on the land side by stagnant pools and swamps, which made its
climate so deadly to white men that the soldiers of the garrison were
relieved every three months. Yet in spite of the danger of disease a
great fair was held there for forty days annually, during which its
narrow and pest-haunted streets were thronged with merchants and traders
from all parts of Spanish America. The harbour was easy of access,
spacious and secure. Its extreme length was three thousand yards, with a
breadth of from fifteen to eighteen hundred, and it had an average depth
of seventeen fathoms. The largest ships then afloat could enter it and
ride at anchor anywhere within. Frigates could come close to the
wharves. Spanish naval officers stated that it afforded secure shelter
for three hundred galleons of the largest class and a thousand smaller
ships, while two thousand more might anchor with tolerable safety in the
haven outside. The town was built along the curve of the shore in the
form of a long crescent. It contained two large churches, an exchange, a
commodious hospital, a convent, and several streets of shops and
warehouses, interspersed with dwellings and barracks, mostly built of
stone. During six or eight weeks, while the galleons remained in port,
these barracks, shops, and warehouses were rented at exorbitant rates
and crowded with merchants, clerks, and workmen handling goods. After
their departure they were nearly deserted by Spaniards and the town was
tenanted mostly by a few thousand negroes, mulattoes, and Indians, who
for the most part lived in squalid, mud-plastered cabins, forming a
suburb called "Guinea". They found casual employment in building boats
and ships, or sawing cedar timber.

The fortifications were so massive and well-built that they were thought
to be nearly impregnable. Ships, passing in or out, were forced in
following the narrow navigable channel, to come close under the guns of
a strong stone fort, called "Triana" or the "Iron Castle", towering high
overhead on the summit of a steep crag, with a water battery below near
the water's edge. On the opposite side stood "Gloria Castle", having two
tall bastions connected by a curtain of stone, fronting the channel and
two others facing the land. On a high cliff, jutting out into the
harbour at its further end and beyond the town, rose the fortress of
"San Jeronimo", a high-walled and well-armed quadrangular redoubt.

Puerto Bello, seventy odd years before, when its defences were not
nearly so strong, had baffled Francis Drake, who died in his flagship
off the harbour and found a grave in the gleaming waters of the bay. It
was now considered one of the best fortified ports in the Spanish
provinces of America. Its normal garrison consisted of three hundred
artillerists and regular infantry, but nine hundred militiamen could be
quickly assembled for its reinforcement.[138]

An attack from the sea with so weak a fleet was clearly hopeless and
assault by land seemed scarcely less perilous, but Morgan believed he
might possibly surprise the defenders.

Having provisioned his ships with dried and salted meat, and taken in a
sufficient supply of water and wood for a long voyage from the Cuban
coast, he sailed southward across the Caribbean without landing at
Jamaica. Adverse and variable winds prevented him from approaching
Puerto Bello very closely by sea and, although midsummer heat had set
in, he decided to leave his ships at a distance and undertake a
laborious journey of more than a hundred miles in canoes. The boldness
of this project deterred the French privateers associated with him from
taking any part in it, and much diminished his actual force. Some weeks
after his return to Port Royal, Morgan with his chief officers appeared
before the governor and gave a very concise and matter-of-fact verbal
account of their astonishing victory, which was written down by a
secretary and sent to London for the information of the Secretary of
State.

    "Setting sail in May last," they said, "we fell in with the
    coast of Porto Bello, and being informed of levies made there
    also against Jamaica, and also by some prisoners who had made
    their escape from Providence that Prince Maurice[139] and divers
    Englishmen were kept in irons in the dungeon of the castle of
    the town, we thought it our duty to attempt that place. The
    French wholly refused to join in an action so full of danger; so
    leaving our ships on June 26, forty leagues to leeward at
    Bogota, we took to our canoes, twenty-three in number, and
    rowing along the coast, landed at three o'clock in the morning
    and made our way into the town, and seeing that we could not
    refresh ourselves in quiet we were enforced to assault the
    castle, which we took by storm, and found well supplied with
    ammunition and provisions, only undermanned, being about 130
    men, whereof seventy-four were killed, among whom the Castillano
    was one. In the dungeon were found eleven English in chains who
    had been there two years; and we were informed that a great man
    had been carried thence six months before to Lima of Peru, who
    was formerly brought from Porto Rico, and also that the Prince
    of Monte Circa had been there with orders from the King of Spain
    to raise 2,200 men against us out of the Province of Panama,
    which Porto Bello stands in, the certainty whereof was confirmed
    by all the Grandees. The Governor of the second castle refusing
    to permit our ships free entrance into the port, we were forced
    to attempt the taking of it, which ended in the delivering up
    the castle and marching out with colours flying, and the third
    castle immediately surrendered to five or six Englishmen. And
    now having possession of the town and three castles, in the
    former were 900 men that bare arms, the fifth day arrived the
    President of Panama, with about 3,000 men; whom we beat off with
    considerable damage, in so much that next day he proffered
    100,000 pieces of eight for delivery of the town and castles in
    as good condition as we found them. In the first castle there
    were 30 brass guns besides iron, in the second 13, all brass,
    and in the third 14 guns. On the 2d August, making the best of
    our way homewards, we arrived at Jamaica about the middle of
    that month; only Captain Edward Collier put on shore in the Bay
    of Cordivant, within four leagues of Santa Marta, for
    provisions, and had the good luck to take the Governor's kinsman
    prisoner, from whom he had again information of the strong
    intention of the Spaniard against Jamaica as also of the revolt
    of the Indians, their taking of Monposse and putting to the
    sword men, women, and children, and intending to surprise Santa
    Fe, and further that there was found the richest gold mine in
    the King of Spain's dominions, for keeping which they were
    fortifying strongly at Santa Marta.

    "We further declare to the world that in all this service of
    Porto Bello, we lost but eighteen men killed and thirty-two
    wounded, and kept possession of the place thirty-one days; and
    for the better vindication of ourselves against the usual
    scandals of that enemy, we aver that having several ladies of
    great quality and other prisoners, they were proffered their
    liberty to go to the President's camp, but they refused, saying
    they were now prisoners to a person of quality, who was more
    tender of their honours than they doubted to find in the
    President's camp among his rude Panama soldiers, and so
    voluntarily continued with us till the surrender of the town and
    castles, when with many thanks and good wishes they repaired to
    their former homes."[140]

Leslie, who frankly admired Morgan, draws a lurid picture of the assault
of the castles and the subsequent pillage of the town, relying perhaps
to some extent on local tradition, but obviously borrowing freely from
the untrustworthy _History of the Bucaniers_.

    "Having his Crew so much at Command," he wrote, "he set off with
    Four Hundred and Fifty Men in Nine small Ships, and made towards
    Costa Rica; there he imparted his Design of attacking Puerto
    Velo to his whole Company. Several objected against the Attempt
    because they had not a sufficient number to think of Success
    against so strong a City. But Morgan replied: If our Numbers are
    small our Hearts are great; and the fewer we are the better
    shares we shall have in the Spoils.[141]

    "The Hope of Riches made them quit their Fears, and they showed
    an Ambition of daring the Danger. Indeed, if we consider the
    Boldness of the Attempt, it will scarce find a Parallel in
    History.

    "Puerto Velo is about Fourteen Leagues from the Gulf of Darien
    and Eight Westward of Nombre de Dios, and is one of the
    strongest Places in the West Indies. It is guarded by three
    Castles, which are almost impregnable. Two of them are situate
    at the Entry to the Port, so that no Ship or Boat can pass
    without Permission; These are not only well garrisoned, but the
    Town consists of near Five Hundred Families. The Merchants have
    here their chief Warehouses and 'tis a Place of extraordinary
    Trade.

    "Morgan was perfectly acquainted with all the Avenues to the
    City. 'Twas night when he came to Puerto de Naos, about ten
    Leagues west of Puerto de Velo. They sailed to Puerto Pontin
    where they came to an anchor. They took boats and came about
    midnight to Esteria longa le Mos, where they all went ashore and
    marched by Land to the first Posts of the City. An Englishman,
    who had been a Prisoner in this Place, served them for a Guide.

    "This Fellow had Abundance of Courage and was fit for the
    greatest Attempts. Besides he was pushed on with Desires of
    Revenge; for the bad Usage he had met with from the Spaniards
    had inflamed his Mind to such a Degree that he listed for a
    Pyrate with no other View than to be revenged; and this being
    the Place where he was formerly confined, he exerted himself on
    that Account with the greatest Courage, as well as Art and
    Dexterity.

    "There were only Three more daring like himself, who offered
    themselves to go and secure the Centry. They went on with the
    greatest Caution, for on their artful management of this first
    Attempt, the whole success of their Expedition depended; when
    they were got near enough they at once laid hold the Centry and
    that so suddenly that he had not Time nor Presence of Mind to
    give the Alarm by firing off his Musket, and they provided
    against any other Noise by gagging him.

    "Having thus successfully finished what they were commanded,
    they returned to Morgan with their Prisoner. The poor Wretch
    being terrified with their Threats, freely discovered all he
    knew: told in what situation the Castle and the Garrison were,
    and every thing else which they demanded. On the welcome
    intelligence he gave them, they instantly marched, carrying the
    captive Spaniard along, and having got close to the Castle,
    intirely surrounded it; and by this means effectually prevented
    any from going in or coming out.

    "The Spaniard, whom they had taken, was commanded to bid them
    surrender, and if they refused to threaten the utmost severity.
    This gave no other Return but from the Mouth of their Cannon.
    This gave the Alarm to the City; and the Pyrates, afraid lest a
    superior Force from that Quarter should attack them, made a
    furious Assault and carried the Place. They were no sooner in
    Possession but they drove the miserable Spaniards into one
    Place, and presently set fire to the Magazine of Powder, which
    in an Instant destroyed them.

    "They next marched to the City, which they entered without any
    Difficulty, for the Inhabitants were like so many distressed
    Persons, running about and not knowing which Hand to turn to.
    The Governor did his utmost to rally and reduce them to Order,
    but in vain. He therefore, with some of the chief Inhabitants,
    retired to another Castle, which yet was unassaulted by the
    Pyrates; thither a great many resorted and carried their Riches
    and best Goods. The successful Pyrates began a miserable Havock;
    and tho' the Governor fired incessantly upon them from the
    Castle yet it had no other effect but to spur them on to do
    their Business with the greater Dispatch. They rifled not only
    the Houses but the Churches. In the meantime they found that
    they had lost a great many of their Companions; and being
    flushed with Desires of Revenge, unanimously resolved to attack
    the Castle, which had done them so much Mischief and where they
    knew there was a vast quantity of Riches lodged. They began the
    Assault with surprising intrepidity and did a great deal of Hurt
    to the Garrison; for they took their Aim so well that they never
    missed to shoot the Spaniards when they came to load the Guns.
    Amidst the Horror of this Assault both Parties behaved with
    equal Courage; and the Pyrates observing the stout Resistance
    they met with, prepared Fire-balls with which they designed to
    fire the Gates. But having approached to the Walls, the Garrison
    threw down huge Stones and Flasks of Powder, which killed a
    great many and compelled the rest to retire. In this Disorder
    Morgan scarce knew how to behave; he saw it was almost
    impracticable to carry the Place, and yet his high Spirits would
    not allow him to give over the Assault. But he had certainly
    been obliged to desist, if at that very Instant he had not
    perceived English Colours set upon the Walls of the other
    Castle, which another Body of Pyrates had successfully stormed.
    This Sight encouraged his fainting Troops to renew the Attack,
    and having prepared large scaling Ladders, he commanded the
    religious Persons whom he had taken from the Monasteries, to fix
    them to the Walls. They were obliged to obey, and having
    approached the Castle, conjured the steady Governor by all the
    Saints to deliver the Place, but he bravely refused and let
    Morgan know his Policy should have no Effect, for the crafty
    Pyrate had employed the Priests and Nuns, believing that the
    Reverence which the Spaniards bore them would have made them
    desist from firing. The Governor did all that could be expected
    from a brave Man; he fired with the utmost Fury and killed great
    Numbers of the Religious; but notwithstanding the Pyrates
    mounted with incredible Resolution, carrying Fire-balls and
    Pitchers full of Powder in their Hands, which they threw among
    the Spaniards, who perceiving their Enemies entered (after a
    very sharp Engagement), threw down their Arms and begged for
    Quarter; only the Governor stood out with amazing Courage,
    killed many of the Pyrates with his own Hands, and bravely
    performed the part of a gallant Soldier. He refused Quarter and
    was killed, a heroic Instance of distinguished Worth.[142]

    "The Place now being in their Power they fell to their usual
    Debaucheries, committed the most horrid Rapes and Murders,
    tortured their Prisoners, and barbarously derided them in their
    Miseries, till at last they began to think of retreating, when
    they offered their Captives that if they would pay 100,000
    Pieces of Eight[143] for Ransom they would liberate them. Two of
    that miserable Number were deputed by the rest to go to Panama
    to raise that Sum, but the President, having raised a large Body
    of Men, was on his march to encounter the Pyrates. The Deputies
    waited the Event which proved fatal to the President's Party,
    for a Hundred Pyrates beat and dispersed them, having killed an
    incredible Number in the time of the Engagement. This disaster
    convinced these Gentlemen, who had been sent to procure the
    Ransom, that there was a Necessity of complying with Morgan's
    Demands, therefore having raised the Sum, they returned and
    gave it into his Hands.

    "Having victualled his Ships, he set sail but first dismounted
    the great Guns on the Castles and levelled several Redoubts
    which had been raised by the Spaniards. He soon got to Jamaica
    and found that his Purchase amounted to 250,000 Pieces of Eight,
    besides all other Merchandises. Thus successfully ended one of
    the boldest Attempts that was perhaps ever made; Four hundred
    Men to attack a strong and populous City, guarded by three
    Castles, well garrisoned and abounding with all manner of
    Military Stores, while the Pyrates had nothing but Sword and
    Pistol to fight with. What will not such Resolution
    surmount?"[144]

How much falsehood and exaggeration are mingled with a basis of truth in
this narrative cannot now be decided. Another story was told at the
time, which may not be true, but has been often repeated and accepted
for truth, and at all events illustrates the influence of this
marvellous exploit on the imagination of a contemporary writer. It was
said that the President of Panama permitted the people of Puerto Bello
to make the best terms possible with the conquerors, but at the same
time sent a letter to Morgan asking him for a pattern of the arms with
which he had taken so strong a fortress. Morgan received the messenger
with much politeness and gave him a pistol and a few small bullets to
take with him "as the pattern of the arms with which he had taken Puerto
Bello; and this he would lend his master for twelve months, after which
time he would come to Panama for it." Don Juan de Guzman, the writer
adds, returned these articles with his thanks for the loan, and sent
Morgan a gold ring set with an emerald, with a message advising him,
"not to take the trouble of coming to Panama, as he had done to Puerto
Bello; for he did assure him, he would not speed so well there as he had
done here."[145]

Beeston states the date of Morgan's return to Port Royal as being "about
the seventeenth of August"; his report, made by Modyford's command,
bears the date of September 7, and on October 1, the governor wrote a
covering letter of considerable length on the subject to the Duke of
Albemarle. About a year before he had received a letter from that
Minister giving a cautiously worded approval of his conduct in the
employment of privateers, dated the 2nd of February, 1667.

"And for your giving commissions to the privateers (against the
Spaniards)," he wrote, "I think you have done pursuant to your own
instructions and orders sent you, until there shall be some other
alternative of these orders."[146]

Modyford reported that since his last letter "the privateers have had
the confidence to take two towns from the Spaniards, for which being
reproved, having commissions only against their ships, they presented
the enclosed declaration", which he wished that the King might see.

    "It is most certain", he added by way of apology, "that the
    Spaniards had full intention to attempt this island, but could
    not get men; and they still hold the same minds, and therefore I
    cannot but presume to say that it is very unequal that we should
    in any measure be restrained while they are at liberty to act as
    they please upon us, from which we shall never be secure until
    the King of Spain acknowledges this island to be his Majesty's
    and so includes it by name in the capitulations. I am very
    confident also of the revolt of the Indians on the main, and
    will send all the privateers to gain certain advice thereof that
    if need be they may improve that revolt."

At the same time he transmitted the deposition of a Spanish seaman
respecting the fate of his own missing "son John, who (having not been
heard of these four years), was questionless either murdered or sent
into the South Seas by these, our cruel neighbours." In conclusion he
urged his kinsman, the Duke, "so to present my behaviour in this great
affair, that no sinister construction may be put upon my actions."[147]

In his statement, the Spaniard, who said that he had been the master of
a frigate, declared that in August, 1664, two English ships had been
wrecked on the coast of Florida, from whom only five men escaped. After
living for some months among the Indians a party of Spanish soldiers,
sent in search of them, had brought them as prisoners to San Augustin.
He described one of them as a young man "of a pretty gross body, very
good face, and light hair somewhat curling", who said that his name was
John and that his father was governor of Jamaica. The commandant had
ordered the deponent to take these prisoners to Havana in his ship, with
instructions for their embarkation in the first vessel sailing for
Spain, so that they might return to their own country. No means of
transportation had been found for them while he remained at Havana.[148]

The treaty of Breda, signed on the 21st of July, 1667, between England
and Holland, had been followed by a fit of rigid economy in public
affairs on the part of the English ministry. The Lord High Admiral was
instructed that the annual expenditure on the royal navy would be
limited to two hundred thousand pounds, to begin on Lady day following.
Half this sum was allotted for the construction of new ships. It was
estimated that the other half would maintain twenty-four ships at sea in
the summer and ten in the winter. One or perhaps two of these ships
would be available for service at Jamaica. All crews were to be reduced
by one half.[149]

After many months of tedious and unsatisfactory negotiations a treaty
for the "continuation and renewal of peace between Charles II, King of
Spain, and Charles II, King of England," had been signed at Madrid on
the 23rd of May, 1667, by the Earl of Sandwich, the envoy extraordinary
appointed for that purpose. The Spanish ministers had still obstinately
refused to recognize the sovereignty of the King of England over
Jamaica, and no mention was made of the West Indies in the treaty. Its
principal article provided for the safe passage of the subjects of
either monarch "by land and water through the territories, dominions,
possessions, cities, towns, villages enclosed with walls, fortified or
unfortified, their havens and ports, _where they have been accustomed
hitherto to deal or trade_." Sandwich, indeed, asserted that the terms
of the treaty were intended to apply to any part of the world, but it
soon appeared that the Spanish government would not interpret them in
that way.[150]

[Footnote 106: C. E. Long, "Memoir of Henry Morgan," in the _Gentleman's
Magazine_, February, 1832; R. M. Howard, _Records of the Family of
Long_, I, pp. 2-5.]

[Footnote 107: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1208, Modyford to Albemarle, 8th June, 1666.]

[Footnote 108: Guardia, _Historia de Costa Rica_, pp. 350-65. Facing the
page 365 of the English translation of this book is a picture of this
image of the Virgin, said to be still preserved in a church in the
village of Paraiso near Cartago. See also H. H. Bancroft, _History of
Central America_, II, p. 468, _et seq._; Juarros, _History of the
Kingdom of Guatamala_, translated by J. Baily, p. 343.]

[Footnote 109: Carlyle, _Cromwell_, Letter 141, to Fortescue, 30th
October, 1655; Newton, _Puritan Colony_, pp. 12, 104, 204.]

[Footnote 110: Probably Charles Hadsell, late master of the ship
_Prosperous_, taken by the Spaniards, see _ante_ p. 37.]

[Footnote 111: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1213, Modyford to Albemarle, 16th June, 1666.]

[Footnote 112: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1263, Modyford to Albemarle, 21st August, 1666.]

[Footnote 113: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1264, Modyford to Albemarle, 21st August, 1666.]

[Footnote 114: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1357, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 10th December, 1666.]

[Footnote 115: _Piratas de la America_, Madrid, 1793, pp. 105-9.]

[Footnote 116: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1826, Deposition of Major Samuel Smith, 18th August, 1668; No. 1827,
Deposition of Henry Wasey, master of the _Concord_, 18th August, 1668;
Beeston's _Journal_.]

[Footnote 117: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1851, Depositions of Richard Rawlinson, Isaac Webber, and Richard Cree,
5th October, 1666.]

[Footnote 118: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1383, Modyford to Albemarle, 14th January, 1667.]

[Footnote 119: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1851, Modyford to Albemarle, 5th October, 1668.]

[Footnote 120: _Acts of the Privy Council_, I, No. 634, 14th September,
1664.]

[Footnote 121: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 635, 23rd September,
1664.]

[Footnote 122: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 638, 23rd November,
1664.]

[Footnote 123: C. F. Jenkins, _Tortola, A Quaker Experiment_; Fox's
_Journal_, 1671, p. 430: "A brave country it is, though the people are,
many of them, debauched and wicked. . . . I was twice with the governor
and some other magistrates who all carried themselves kindly towards
me."]

[Footnote 124: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1265, undated, but probably written in 1666.]

[Footnote 125: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1537, Modyford to Arlington, 30th July, 1667.]

[Footnote 126: Pezuela, _Historia de la Isla de Cuba_, II, p. 168.]

[Footnote 127: Abb Raynal, _History of the Settlements and Trade of the
Europeans in the East and West Indies_, Translated by J. Justamond, IV,
pp. 197-9.]

[Footnote 128: _Acts of the Privy Council_, I, No. 751, 17th February,
1668.]

[Footnote 129: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies,_ No.
1711, Albemarle to the Duke of York, 12th March, 1668.]

[Footnote 130: _Acts of the Privy Council_, I, No. 762, 13th March,
1668.]

[Footnote 131: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1778.]

[Footnote 132: _Acts of the Privy Council_, I, No. 777.]

[Footnote 133: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1838, Information of Admiral Henry Morgan and his officers, Port Royal,
7th September, 1668.]

[Footnote 134: Pezuela, _Historia de la Isla de Cuba_, I, pp. 156-7,
162.]

[Footnote 135: Pezuela, _Historia de la Isla de Cuba_, II, pp. 163-5.]

[Footnote 136: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1838, Information of Admiral Morgan and his officers, Port Royal, 7th
September, 1668.]

[Footnote 137: Letter from Bayona Villanueva, quoted by Pezuela,
_Historia de la Isla de Cuba_, II, pp. 165-6.]

[Footnote 138: Ogilby, _America_, p. 397; H. H. Bancroft, _Central
America_, II, pp. 48-9 _et seq._; Masefield, _On the Spanish Main_;
Ford, _Admiral Vernon_, pp. 133-4. Ogilby states that "the famous
Architect Baptista Antonelli advis'd the Spanish King to build this City
for a Staple of Trade (instead of Nombre de Dios, which was found
unhealthy) having pitched upon an excellent situation for it, viz. on a
Plain at the Foot of a Hill, where there are three fresh Rivulets
meeting with a fruitful and hot Countrey."]

[Footnote 139: The brother of Prince Rupert and an uncle of King Charles
II, who probably perished at sea in 1653. Persistent reports of his
shipwreck and imprisonment in Porto Rico, however, continued to reach
England for many years, accompanied in some instances by depositions,
one of which, in a confused way, even purported to give words spoken by
him to a fellow prisoner. See _Report of the Royal Historical
Commission_, 1899, MSS. of J. M. Heathcote, III, pp. 134-9.]

[Footnote 140: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1838, Information of Admiral Henry Morgan and his officers, Port Royal,
7th September, 1668.]

[Footnote 141: On which Captain Southey made the pertinent comment that
Morgan must have read Shakespeare, _Chronological History of the West
Indies_, II, p. 83, note.]

[Footnote 142: The name of this brave man is not stated, but he was
probably Don Joseph Sanchez Ximinez, who commanded the expedition that
recaptured Providence.]

[Footnote 143: The value of a piece of eight was about five shillings
sterling.]

[Footnote 144: Leslie, _A New History of Jamaica_, London, 1740, pp.
115-20.]

[Footnote 145: Charlevoix, III, p. 107; Du Tertre, IV, pp. 337-8;
Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II, p. 85.]

[Footnote 146: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
193, i. Enclosure in letter of 23rd August, 1669.]

[Footnote 147: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1850, Modyford to Albemarle, 1st October, 1668.]

[Footnote 148: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1859, ii. Declaration of Francisco Martin, 12th September, 1668.]

[Footnote 149: G. Penn, _Memorials of Sir Wm. Penn_, II, pp. 527-9.]

[Footnote 150: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 82; Harris, _Life of Edward Mountague_, p. 317.]




  CHAPTER IV

  MARACAIBO AND GIBRALTAR


The remarkable success of Morgan's first campaign in command of a
squadron of privateers enhanced his reputation immensely and undoubtedly
increased his influence with the governor and council, as well as among
the merchants and planters of Jamaica. He remained only a few weeks at
Port Royal and seems to have employed the time chiefly in refitting
ships and collecting seamen and volunteers for another expedition.

    "They were very welcome Guests at Jamaica," the candid Leslie
    wrote, "the Planters, and Men in Power, caressed Morgan, while
    the inferior Sort contrived every kind of Bait to drain his
    Associates of their Money. They were very liberal, and in a
    short time came clamouring to their Captain to put to Sea; for
    they were reduced to a starving Condition. Immediately he set
    about making Preparations for a new Expedition; and his Fame
    being now increased to a high Pitch, he saw himself in a short
    time at the Head of a Thousand brave resolute Fellows."[151]

It seems probable that when he sailed from Port Royal he had formed no
definite plan of operations, but wished to take his ships to some quiet
resort of privateers remote from the temptations of a town, where
provisions could be collected and the crews organized and trained
without being spied upon. The mild reprimand from the governor had been
accepted lightly and he was not informed of the ultimate destination of
the cruise.

About the middle of October, 1668, several weeks after Morgan's
departure, the _Oxford_, a fifth-rate frigate of the Royal Navy,
carrying thirty-four guns and a crew of 160 men, arrived at Port Royal
from England. In her as surgeon and medical officer came Richard Browne,
bringing with him a letter of recommendation from Lord Arlington to the
governor, under whose orders the ship was to be employed and by whom the
officers and crew were to be subsisted and paid. Browne was an
industrious correspondent and several of his letters have been preserved
among the State Papers. The first of these, addressed to Mr. Secretary
Williamson, was dated at Port Royal on November 9. He stated that a
small privateer belonging to that place, commanded by Captain Costing,
carrying only two or three small guns, had four days before brought in a
Spanish ship of 200 tons, armed with eight guns and twelve
"peterarders", and having a cargo valued at 40,000 or 50,000. "She
came in a fleet of fourteen sail and this Spaniard bore up and said he
would hoist Costing in, but he was much deceived."

Browne referred with outspoken admiration to the daring exploit of the
fleet of privateers which had recently returned to Port Royal after
taking Puerto Bello. "It is thus", he wrote, "that six captains with 500
men took the town and three castles and kept them thirty days and
redelivered them for 100,000 pieces of eight, besides what they had
plundered the town of, which was very rich."

These ships had all gone to sea again, with what design Browne knew not,
but a certain Captain Morgan was their admiral. The _Oxford_ was then
taking on board supplies for a cruise of six months by herself on the
coast of the Spanish Main as a private ship of war.[152]

A letter from Sir Thomas Modyford, dated ten days earlier, announced
that ten sail of privateers with eight hundred men had gone to the coast
of Caracas. The _Oxford_ had been ordered "to face Cartagena", and would
sail in five days. Captain Dempster with a few ships and three hundred
men was cruising between Havana and the Bay of Campeachy. He had been
informed that the Indians on the mainland had rebelled against the
Spaniards, had defeated them in three encounters, and had taken the town
of "Momposse", whither he had sent a message offering them
assistance.[153]

He had recommissioned the _Oxford_ as a private ship of war and placed a
veteran privateer captain in command, evidently to enable the crew to
pay and support themselves by their captures.

Browne wrote again from Port Morant in the middle of December. Captain
Edward Collier had been appointed to command the _Oxford_ in place of
Captain Hacket, who had brought that ship from England, "but falling out
with the master, ran him through the body, whereof he died, and then
fled for it." Advice had been received of a slave ship, whose crew had
mutinied and murdered some of their officers. They were then reported to
be cruising as pirates off the coast of Hispaniola, where they had
chased several Jamaican privateers, inflicting some damage on one. The
_Oxford_ had been ordered to search for these pirates. Jamaica, Browne
said, was in a very thriving state and had grown rich through
privateering and the produce of its plantations. The governor had the
reputation of a prudent and obliging person.[154]

Early in the preceding August, the Spanish ambassador in London had
presented a formal complaint of "several violences in a hostile way
committed upon the subjects and on the ships and territories of the King
of Spain in America", giving particulars. Anticipating this accusation,
Modyford had taken the precaution to obtain and forward a large sheaf of
depositions taken in the past to prove the extent of the Spanish
depredations on English commerce and the cruel treatment of many English
prisoners taken by them. One of these, sworn to by Robert Delander,
afterwards commander of a ship in Morgan's fleet, related when his ship
was dismasted in a gale off the east coast of Cuba, he had asked and
obtained permission to take her into Havana to refit, where she was
arbitrarily confiscated and sold by order of the governor. Delander and
his crew were sent as prisoners to Seville, where they were detained for
nine months, "and had it not been for the charity of some English
merchants, they had there paid their last debt."[155]

The English ambassador at Madrid had appealed on behalf of Delander and
his companions to the Spanish ministry, without obtaining any redress
beyond their liberation.[156]

Sam. Sherdlaw and Garret Garretson, otherwise known as "Rocky", at one
time the commander of a privateer, told how they had been chased by
Spanish ships of war, one of them, they alleged, being the _Griffin_,
formerly the property of his Majesty and commanded by Captain Swart,
which had so mysteriously disappeared on her way to England in 1664.

Two other men described the capture of a ketch by Captain Edward
Beckford, near the south cays of Cuba. This vessel had been manned by
Spaniards, who, after being hailed, "spread their bloody colours and
fired a volley of small shot" at the English ship. When this prize was
carried into Port Royal, it was identified as the property of Alexander
Soares, who had sailed in it from New England eighteen months before,
since which time there hath been no news of ketch or company.[157]

A Jamaican merchant, then in England, also came to the defence of the
governor by making an affidavit before the High Court of Admiralty,
narrating the efforts which Modyford had made to renew friendly
relations with the Spaniards and to recall all privateers, immediately
after his return to the West Indies. He described the capture of a
pirate ship and the execution of some of her crew, and the restitution
of two Spanish prizes.[158]

The memorial of the Spanish ambassador was finally considered by the
Privy Council in December, but was so effectively countered by the
production of these documents that an order was made to begin further
negotiations.

    "Upon reading several papers and by the verbal account given by
    Mr. Modyford, it appearing that the ship chiefly insisted upon
    by the Spanish ambassador was taken before the ratifying of the
    last treaty between the two crowns, and that the Spaniards have
    likewise taken several ships from the English, insomuch that the
    violent and hostile actions of the Spaniards upon his Majesty's
    subjects in those parts do exceed those of the English upon the
    Spaniards, Lord Arlington and Sir John Trevor are instructed to
    acquaint the Spanish ambassador herewith, and leave in his hands
    a memorial of the particulars, which they are hereby required to
    see extracted and drawn up out of the aforementioned papers and
    evidences, and in regard that the hostility hath been mutual to
    propose to the ambassador a total reciprocal amnesty and
    oblivion of all that is past, and a settlement of mutual good
    intelligence for the future, as to kind reception into the
    harbours and ports, affording all necessary refreshments of
    wood, water, and victuals for their money."[159]

About that time the Spanish ambassador received definite information of
Morgan's later aggressions, and made another very angry protest to the
King, "of a new incursion of his Majesty's subjects of Jamaica upon
Puerto Bello, pillaging and committing outrages scarce heard of." This
was accompanied by an extract from a letter written in French by John
Doglar, otherwise unknown to fame, and addressed to some person in
Havre-de-Grace in France, describing the capture of that place, which
adds something to our knowledge of it, and in general corroborates
Morgan's account.

    "On the 10-20 June, 1668," Doglar wrote, "we landed at Puerto
    Velo with 422 men in 28 canoes, leaving our ships 37 leagues off
    the west coast. On the 11th we advanced to the walls of Fort St.
    James, where were 30 pieces of artillery. After three or four
    hours hard fighting we assaulted the fort and made ourselves
    masters of the garrison, all of which refusing quarter were
    either killed, wounded, or cut to pieces. The next day we
    attacked Fort St. Philip on the other side of the coast, where
    were 12 pieces of artillery, and after fighting three or four
    hours it surrendered. After remaining some days in the said fort
    sickness broke out among our troops, of which we lost half by
    sickness and fighting, so that we were obliged to abandon those
    places and received 100,000 crowns for retiring. Had we had 800
    men we might have gone to Panama, about 18 leagues south of
    Puerto Velo, and have easily made ourselves master of it, as
    also of the Kingdom of Peru. The chiefs of the expedition were
    Henry Morgan, John Doglar, Julian Salter, Enoch Clarke, Rudolph
    Court, Colliar, and John James Maurice."[160]

Some time later the ambassador renewed his complaint, declaring that the
answer he had received from Lord Arlington and Sir John Trevor to his
memorial presented on the 8th of August, 1668, had differed so widely
from what had been formerly promised that he was forced to demand the
performance of their written agreement, and could not venture an opinion
upon the expedients proposed until he received instructions from his
government. He asserted that his former complaints respecting the
sacking of Puerto Bello were fully confirmed by the recent arrival of
the ship, _George and Samuel_, from Jamaica, whose bill of lading showed
that "besides what George Potts and other merchants received of plate,
the share of every soldier was 600 oz., or 80 at half a crown per
ounce, whence it might be guessed what quantity the officers, Governor,
and their confidants had." Therefore he demanded that the Queen Regent
of Spain should receive full satisfaction and the governor of Jamaica
the punishment due for an incursion so unjust and contrary to the terms
of the new treaty for a general peace. As other ships had lately arrived
with part of the booty and the number of ships of the Royal Navy
stationed at Jamaica had been increased, he asked that just restitution
should be made and proper orders given for the future.[161]

The _Oxford_ sailed from Port Morant for Isle  la Vache, off the
harbour of Aux Cayes in Hispaniola, a favourite resort for privateers in
need of provisions, with strict instructions from the governor to
investigate a charge of piracy laid by the master of a Virginian ketch
against a French privateer. At that island several Jamaican privateers
and two French armed ships were found at anchor, one of them being _Le
Cerf Volant_ of Rochelle, carrying fourteen guns and ten "petarders",
the ship accused of piracy. An officer was sent by Captain Collier of
the _Oxford_ to invite the French captain, whose name was variously
written as La Veven, Vivion, and Vivonne, to come on board his ship.
This he flatly refused to do, saying that it was unusual for the captain
of any French man-of-war to be ordered out of her. Next morning Collier
weighed anchor and ran close alongside _Le Cerf Volant_, with the
intention of boarding, when her captain at once came on board the
_Oxford_. When he was asked to produce his commission he attempted to
evade compliance, but finally produced a document signed by the Duke of
Beaufort, who had commanded a French fleet in the Mediterranean. The
master of the plundered Virginian ship positively identified him as the
captain of the ship that had robbed him, under the name of Captain La
Roche of Toulon. La Veven and his whole crew of forty-five persons were
made prisoners and his ship was taken to Port Royal, where he was tried
and convicted of piracy by the Court of Admiralty, and his ship was
condemned as a lawful prize. He appealed against the sentence of death
pronounced against him and was reprieved by the governor. His ship was
re-commissioned under the name of the _Satisfaction_, and sent in
company with the _Oxford_ to join Morgan's squadron.[162]

By the end of the year nearly all the Jamaican privateers, which had
been cruising off the coast of the Spanish Main, were once more
assembled at Isle  la Vache, busily engaged in collecting supplies from
the hunting grounds on that island and Hispaniola for some new
enterprise. On the 2nd of January, 1669, a general council of war was
convened on board the _Oxford_, which was attended by Morgan and eight
captains besides some officers of lower rank. Having then twelve ships
and about nine hundred men at his command it is stated that Morgan
proposed an attack upon Cartagena, which he had lately reconnoitred
very closely. It was the strongest fortress on the eastern coast of
Spanish America and the city was reputed to be a storehouse of great
wealth. His plan was apparently agreed to, but its execution was made
impracticable by an appalling disaster. While the officers then
assembled were dining together on the quarter-deck of the _Oxford_,
which had been chosen by Morgan as his flagship, her magazine exploded
from some unknown cause, and besides several of the guests, nearly the
whole of her crew of two hundred men were killed, drowned, or horribly
wounded. Surgeon Browne, after being hurled through the air into the
sea, saved his life by getting astride of a floating fragment of her
mizen-mast. He reported that only six men and four boys belonging to her
crew were rescued. Captain Aylett, commanding the _Lily_, and Captains
Bigford, Morris, Thornbury, and Whiting were killed or drowned. Beeston
relates that "Admiral Morgan and those captains, that sat on that side
of the table he did, were saved, but those captains on the other side
[were] all killed, and this accident stopped the attempt on
Cartagena."[163]

Such explosions on ships of war were at that time by no means uncommon
owing to the inefficiency and negligence with which gunpowder was
handled and stored in open casks.

After much delay and great exertions, Morgan succeeded in reorganizing
and supplying his squadron, which had been seriously crippled by the
loss of five principal officers and nearly a fourth of his best men. He
then sailed with his remaining ships in a body to windward, giving no
intimation of his intentions to anyone. The _Satisfaction_, however,
with Surgeon Browne on board, was sent back to Port Royal, where
supplies were taken on for a prolonged cruise in the Bay of
Campeachy.[164]

News of the destruction of the _Oxford_ soon became known to the
Spaniards and caused great rejoicing, especially among the people of
Cartagena, who had expected and feared an attack. Outside the walls of
that city, on a steep hill overlooking its walls and towers, far seen
and known as a notable landmark by mariners at sea, stood the
convent-church of its patron saint, called "Madre de la Popa" or
"Nuestra Senora de la Popa". This shrine had become very wealthy by the
gifts of its votaries and was consequently believed to be the objective
of the English privateers. The terrible accident which had destroyed the
_Oxford_ and her crew was immediately ascribed to the miraculous
intervention of its guardian.

    "'Tis in short," the privateer Dampier wrote some years later,
    "the very shrine of the West Indies: It hath innumerable
    miracles related of it. Any misfortune that befalls the
    Privateers is attributed to this Lady's doings, and the
    Spaniards report that she was abroad that night the _Oxford_ Man
    of War was blown up at the Isle of Vacca near Hispaniola, and
    that she came home all wet; as, belike, she often returns with
    her Cloathes dirty and torn with passing thro' Woods and bad
    ways, when she has been out on any expedition; deserving
    doubtless a new suit for such eminent pieces of service."[165]

An official or semi-official report, which Morgan may have made of his
cruise, has disappeared, and the only nearly contemporary account of it
giving much detail is that contained in the _History of the Bucaniers_.

Although the fate of the _Oxford_ had caused serious disorganization and
confusion, it seems to have had no lasting effect on the minds of the
crews of the other ships. "This Misfortune noways discouraged the rest,"
Leslie wrote, "while Morgan was safe, they thought success sure, and
accordingly embarked with a great deal of Chearfulness."[166]

The island of Saona near the east end of Hispaniola was selected as the
most suitable rendezvous for future operations. His squadron, when
assembled there, consisted of fifteen sail, the largest ship being armed
with only fourteen guns. It was manned with about nine hundred and
sixty seamen and soldiers, who were kept together solely by the dominant
personality of their resolute leader. Adverse winds prevented his ships
from rounding Cabo de Lobos for three weeks. When this was finally
accomplished a small supply of provisions was bought from a ship coming
from England. A landing was then made in the bay of Ochoa to obtain
fresh water and more food. Many cattle and a few horses were killed for
this purpose, but a hunting party was attacked by a band of soldiers
sent out from the city of San Domingo and lost some men, before it could
regain its boats. The Spaniards were finally driven off. Morgan then
went on shore with a stronger force, which destroyed houses and laid
waste some plantations in retaliation.

Returning to Saona and finding that several of the ships that had
promised to join him, were not there, a further detention occurred.
While waiting for them a party was sent out to attack a neighbouring
town. It came back without success, having found that its inhabitants
were alert and well prepared for defence, "chusing rather to return
empty-handed unto Captain Morgan's presence than to perish in that
desperate Enterprise."[167]

Morgan reviewed his force and found that he had only eight ships, some
of them being small undecked schooners, and not more than five hundred
men. At a council which he then assembled, a French mariner was invited
to be present and give information. This man had accompanied the noted
French privateers, L'Olonnois and Michel le Basque, in their successful
foray upon Maracaibo from Tortuga less than three years before, "whereby
he knew all the entries, passages, forces, and means how to put in
execution the same again in the company of Captain Morgan." He was
employed to act as their guide in an attempt to surprise that city.

Sailing toward Curacao, a landing was made on the neighbouring island of
Oruba, a Spanish possession, but chiefly inhabited by some friendly
Indians from whom provisions and wood were purchased. Morgan left this
place at night to conceal his course from hostile observation, and next
day anchored out of sight of the "vigilia" or watch-tower at the
entrance of the lake of Maracaibo. After dark he made sail and at
daybreak came in sight of the strait, where he found that the Spaniards
had built a new fort to guard it since the last raid. Its garrison was
vigilant and began a brisk fire from their cannon as his landing party
approached the shore.

    "The Dispute continued very hot on both sides," wrote the Dutch
    annalist, "being managed with huge valour from morning until
    dark night. This being come, Captain Morgan, in the obscurity
    thereof, drew nigh unto the Fort, which having examined, he
    found nobody in it; the Spaniards having deserted it not long
    before. They left behind them a Match kindled nigh unto a train
    of powder, wherewith they designed to blow up the Pirates and
    the whole Fortress as soon as they were in it. This design had
    taken effect, had the Pirate failed to discover it in the space
    of one quarter of an hour. But Captain Morgan prevented the
    Mischief by snatching away the Match with all speed, whereby he
    saved his own and his Companions' lives. They found here a great
    quantity of powder, whereof he provided his Fleet; and
    afterwards demolished part of the Walls, nailing sixteen pieces
    of Ordnance, which carried from twelve to four and twenty pounds
    of Bullet. Here they found also a great number of Muskets and
    Military provisions.

    "The next day they commanded the Ships to enter the Bar, among
    which they divided the Powder, Muskets, and other things which
    they found in the Fort. These things being done, they imbarked
    again to continue their course toward Maracaibo. But the Waters
    were very low, whereby they could not pass a certain Bank that
    lieth at the entry of the Lake. Hereupon they were compelled to
    put themselves in Canows and small Boats, with which they
    arrived the next day before Maracaibo, having no other defence
    but some small pieces which they could carry in the said Boats.
    Being landed they ran immediately to the Fort called de la
    Barra; which they found in like manner as the precedent, without
    any person in it; For all were fled before them into the Woods,
    leaving also the Town without any People, unless a few miserable
    poor folk, who had nothing to lose.

    "As soon as they had entered the Town, the Pirates searched
    every corner thereof, to see if they could find any people that
    were hidden, who might offend them at unawares. Not finding
    anybody, every Party according as they came out of their several
    Ships, chose what houses they pleased to themselves, the best
    they could find. The Church was deputed for the Corps de Garde,
    where they lived after their military Manner, committing many
    insolent actions. The next day after their arrival they sent a
    Troop of one hundred men to seek for the Inhabitants and their
    Goods. These returned the next day following, bringing with them
    to the number of thirty Persons, between men, women, and
    children; and fifty Mules laden with good Merchandise. All those
    miserable Prisoners were put to the Rack to make them confess
    where the rest of the Inhabitants were and their Goods."[168]

After occupying the place for three weeks, during which time it was
thoroughly ransacked and the surrounding country raided in every
direction for many miles, and some of the principal people taken with
much of their movable property, Morgan determined to advance against the
strongly fortified town known as Gibraltar, at the further end of the
lake. His squadron was once more supplied with provisions and refitted.
Taking his principal prisoners on board as hostages he sailed in that
direction in the third week of March. Some of the prisoners were sent on
in advance to summon the place to surrender and threaten it with
destruction in case of a refusal. In the face of this warning his
approach was resolutely opposed with a steady fire from artillery.

"But the Pirats instead of fainting thereat," said the contemporary
chronicler, "ceased not to encourage one another, saying 'We must make
one meal upon bitter things, before we taste the sweetness of the Sugar
this place affordeth.'"

Yet a landing was not effected until next day, when their French guide,
after advancing toward the walls to deceive the garrison by the menace
of a frontal attack, led the way through the woods to a position cutting
off its retreat. The Spaniards then "thought it not safe to expect the
second Brunt", but spiked their guns and retired into the adjacent
hills, carrying off some of their portable property. In the pursuit a
considerable number of slaves and other fugitives were taken.

    "Among these Slaves was found one who promised Captain Morgan to
    conduct him unto a certain River belonging to the Lake, where he
    should find a Ship and four Boats richly laden with goods that
    belonged to the Inhabitants of Maracaibo. . . .

    "Captain Morgan sent away presently two hundred men in two
    Saeties or great Boats towards the River abovementioned to seek
    for what the Slave had discovered. But he himself with two
    hundred and fifty more undertook to go and take the Governour.
    This Gentleman was retired unto a small Island seated in the
    middle of the River, where he had built a little Fort, after the
    best manner he could, for his defence. But hearing that Captain
    Morgan came in person with great Forces to seek him, he retired
    further off unto the top of a Mountain not much distant from
    that place; unto which there was no ascent but by a very narrow
    passage. Yea! this was so streight that whosoever did pretend to
    gain the ascent must of necessity cause his men to pass one by
    one. Captain Morgan spent two days before he could arrive at the
    little Island abovementioned. From thence he designed to proceed
    unto the Mountain, where the Governour was posted, had he not
    been told of the impossibility he should find in the ascent; not
    only from the narrowness of the path that led to the top, but
    also because the Governour was very well provided with all sorts
    of Ammunition above. Besides that, there was fallen a huge rain,
    whereby all the Baggage belonging to the Pirats and their Powder
    was wet. By this Rain also they had lost many of their men at
    the passage over a River that was overflown. Here perished
    likewise some Women and Children and many Mules laden with plate
    and other Goods; all which they had taken in the Fields from the
    fugitive Inhabitants. So that all things were in a very bad
    condition with Captain Morgan, and the bodies of his men much
    harrass'd as ought to be inferr'd from this relation. Whereby if
    the Spaniards at this juncture of time had had but a Troop of
    fifty men well armed with Pikes and Spears, they might have
    entirely destroyed the Pirats, without any possible resistance
    on their sides. But the fears which the Spaniards had conceived
    from the beginning were so great that onely hearing the leaves
    on the Trees to stir, they often fancied them to be Pirats.
    Finally Captain Morgan and his People having upon their march
    sometimes waded to their middles in the water for the space of
    half or whole miles together, they at last escaped for the
    greatest part. But of the Women and Children that they brought
    home Prisoners the major part died.

    "Thus 12 days after they set forth to seek the Governour, they
    returned unto Gibraltar with a great number of prisoners. Two
    days after arrived also the Saeties that were sent unto the
    River bringing with them four Boats and some Prisoners. But as
    to the greatest part of the Merchandise that were in the said
    Boats they found them not, the Spaniards having unladen and
    secured them, as having intelligence beforehand of the coming of
    the Pirats. Whereupon they designed also, when the Merchandise
    were all taken out, to burn the Boats. Yet the Spaniards made
    not so much hast[e] as was requisite to unlade the said Vessels,
    but that they left both in the Ship and Boats great Parcels of
    Goods, which they being fled from thence, the Pirats seized and
    brought a considerable Booty to Gibraltar."[169]

While Morgan was absent on this expedition there is little doubt several
of the prisoners were tortured and cruelly treated by their guards, with
the object of obtaining information of value or extorting a ransom. Some
of his men were criminals, many were certainly ruffians or transported
"rogues and vagabonds". Morgan himself firmly denied or professed
ignorance of the specific acts of torture described in the _History of
the Bucaniers_, and Leslie expressly exculpated him from responsibility.

    "But here", he wrote, "I must not neglect to do Justice to
    Captain Morgan's Character, who neither authorized nor was
    present when these Barbarities were committed, tho' Prejudice
    branded him with countenancing this cruel Treatment of the
    Spaniards, yet I am well assured he was not in the Place to give
    Orders at that time; for I have seen a Manuscript writ by one
    who was concerned on the Expedition, which contains a Journal of
    their whole Procedure. This Relation, now in the hands of a
    considerable Planter here, vindicates Morgan from these black
    Aspersions.

    "The Truth of the Matter stood thus: Morgan having prevailed on
    a Slave to discover where the Governor of Gibraltar and the most
    considerable of the Inhabitants with their Effects lay
    concealed, went immediately with Two Hundred Men to attack them
    there. He likewise ordered Two Hundred and Fifty Men to march to
    a River which discharges itself into the Lake, in search of a
    Ship and four Boats, which were richly laden with Goods, and in
    the time of their Absence all the above named Cruelties were
    committed."[170]

After Gibraltar had been in their occupation for more than a month the
chief prisoners agreed to pay the raiders a stated sum as a ransom for
their liberty and the evacuation of the town. Only a part of it was paid
when the prisoners were released and a number of slaves taken away in
lieu of further payment. Morgan is said to have taken care to protect
his principal informer from punishment.

    "They delivered him four Persons that were agreed upon for
    Hostages, for what sums of money more he was to receive from
    them," wrote the author of the _History of the Bucaniers_, "and
    they desired to have the Slave of whom we have made mention
    above, intending to punish him according to his deserts. But
    Captain Morgan would not deliver him, being perswaded they would
    burn him alive."[171]

The voyage back to Maracaibo over that great lake occupied not less than
four days, and that town was found still deserted, its solitary
inhabitant being "a poor distressed old man, who was sick." From him
they learned that three Spanish warships had taken possession of the
strait leading from the lake to the sea, where they were awaiting their
return, and that the fort or castle commanding the channel had been
repaired and garrisoned by the Spaniards. They were in fact "bottled
up". Morgan at once sent his swiftest sailing ship to reconnoitre. Her
captain approached the enemy's position so near as to draw their fire,
and reported that their largest ship carried forty guns and her consorts
thirty and twenty respectively. All of them appeared to be well manned.
Escape seemed almost impossible owing to the great superiority of the
Spanish force and the excellent position it had occupied for opposing
the passage of a difficult channel. Morgan was undaunted and sent a
written message to the Spanish naval commander, not only demanding
permission to pass the strait unmolested but the payment of a
substantial ransom for the town of Maracaibo, which he threatened with
destruction, if the ransom was not paid. After an absence of two days
his messenger returned with a reply in Spanish, of which a translation
has been preserved and was admitted by Morgan himself to be accurate.

    "Having understood by all our friends and neighbours the
    unexpected news that you have dared to attempt and commit
    hostilities in the countries, cities, towns, and villages
    belonging to the dominions of his Catholic Majesty, my Sovereign
    Lord and Master, I let you understand by these lines that I am
    come to this place according to my obligation nigh unto that
    castle which you took out of the hands of a parcel of cowards;
    where I have put things into a very good position of defence and
    mounted again the artillery which you had nailed and dismounted.
    My intent is to dispute with you your passage out of the lake
    and follow and pursue you everywhere, to the end that you may
    see the performance of my duty. Notwithstanding, if you be
    contented to surrender with humanity all that you have taken,
    together with the slaves and all other prisoners, I will let you
    pass freely without trouble or molestation; upon condition that
    you retire home presently to your own country. But in case that
    you make any resistance or opposition unto those things that I
    proffer unto you, I do assure that I will command boats to come
    from Caracas, wherein I will put troops, and coming to
    Maracaibo, will cause you utterly to perish, putting you every
    man to the sword. This is my last and absolute resolution. Be
    prudent therefore, and do not abuse my bounty with ingratitude.
    I have with me very good soldiers, who desire nothing more
    ardently than to revenge upon you and your people all the
    cruelties and base infamous actions you have committed upon the
    Spanish nation in America.

    "Dated on board the Royal Ship named the _Magdalen_, lying at
    anchor at the entry of the Lake of Maracaibo, this 24th day of
    April, 1669.

        "Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa."[172]

Soon after receiving this letter Morgan assembled all his officers and
their men in the Plaza or market-square of the town and read it to them,
both in English and French, so that all of them might fully understand
its contents. Then he bluntly asked them whether they were willing to
surrender all their "purchase" to obtain their safe passage through the
enemy's squadron rather than fight for it. They shouted with apparent
unanimity that they were ready to spill the last drop of their blood
rather than give up anything they had taken with so much labour and
hardship. It has been stated that one of them then suggested the attack
of the enemy's ships with a "brulot" or fireship, navigated by only
twelve men. Morgan afterwards asserted that this was entirely his own
plan. But before putting it into execution he decided to make a second
effort to come to a peaceful agreement with the Spanish commodore, to
whom he sent two of his officers to make a proposal for the evacuation
of Maracaibo without doing any further damage to the town or exacting
any ransom, the surrender of one half of the slaves he had taken, the
liberation of all his prisoners without any ransom, and the freedom of
the four hostages he had brought from Gibraltar without any further
payment. These terms were promptly rejected by Don Alonso del Campo as
being dishonourable, and he declared that unless the conditions he had
already offered were accepted within two days, he would begin an attack.

Morgan at once made the most active preparations to force the strait. He
ordered all the prisoners and slaves to be tied hand and foot and placed
under a sufficient guard to prevent the escape of any of them to give
information of what was being done. The ship taken at Gibraltar was
then converted into a highly inflammable condition with the greatest
care.

    "They gathered all the Pitch, Tar, and Brimstone they could find
    in the whole Town, wherewith to prepare the Fire-ship
    abovementioned. Likewise they made several inventions of Powder
    and Brimstone, with great quantity of Palm-leaves very well
    ointed with Tar. They covered very well their counterfeit
    Cannon, laying under every piece thereof many pounds of Powder.
    Besides which they cut down many outworks belonging to the Ship,
    to the end that the Powder might exert its strength the better.
    Thus they broke open also new Port-holes; where, instead of Guns
    they placed little Drums of which the Negroes make use. Finally
    the Deck was handsomely beset with many pieces of Wood dressed
    up in the shape of men with Hats and Monteras,[173] and likewise
    armed with Swords, Muskets, and Bandaleers."[174]

The male prisoners were all confined in one of their largest ships, and
the women with the silver-plate, jewels, and other valuable plunder in
another. Each of these had a crew of only twelve sailors, while the
others were crowded with men heavily armed for a hand-to-hand encounter.
The fireship with a small but very efficient and reliable crew was
directed to lead the way and as soon as possible run alongside the
Spanish flagship. Morgan then exacted from all his officers and men a
solemn oath that they would fight to the last, "without demanding
quarter at any rate", and promised liberal rewards to all who might
distinguish themselves by their courage or skill.

A week had been occupied in making preparations for a desperate struggle
to force a passage through the strait. Morgan's squadron got under way
on April 30, and late in the afternoon found that the three Spanish
ships were still at anchor in mid-channel abreast the fort, where it was
difficult to attack them with much prospect of success. Darkness was
then coming on and he gave orders to cast anchor just out of range of
his enemy's guns and inviting an attack. The utmost watchfulness during
the night was enjoined. At daybreak, observing that the Spaniards had
not moved and that the wind was in his favour he made a signal for his
ships to weigh anchor and make sail. With the fireship well in advance,
he slowly approached the enemy, who also got under sail and cleared for
action. The fireship was cleverly and bravely handled, and succeeded in
grappling with the Spanish flagship before her true character was
discovered. The Spaniards frantically struggled to fend her off with
boathooks and pikes until the flames triumphed over their efforts and
the heat drove them off. Violent explosions on board the deserted
fireship scattered sparks and blazing fragments in all directions,
adding greatly to their confusion and dismay. The rigging and sails of
both ships caught fire and burned fiercely. The magazine of the Spanish
flagship exploded and she became a complete wreck and sank, leaving many
of her unfortunate crew clinging to broken spars or swimming for their
lives. The English ships attempted to pick up some of these wretched
men, who mostly refused their assistance, preferring stubbornly to
perish in the water than owe their safety to their heretic enemies,
whose compassionate offers they distrusted or perhaps misunderstood.
Such was the fate of the _Magdalena_, a fine frigate, armed with
thirty-six large and twelve smaller guns, and believed to have a crew of
two hundred and fifty men.

The commander of the next largest Spanish ship, the _San Luis_ of
thirty-six guns, seeing his flagship wrapped in flames, lost his head
and ran his vessel ashore under the guns of the castle, where she was
scuttled and abandoned, being at the same time set on fire to prevent
the English from taking possession of her. The third Spanish ship named
_La Marquesa_, of twenty-four guns and a crew of one hundred and fifty
men, was attacked by several of Morgan's ships and taken after a stout
resistance.

Encouraged by his complete and comparatively easy victory on the water
Morgan landed a party of men, who rashly attempted to take the fort by
assault with no other arms than their firelocks and a few hand-grenades.
Although probably much demoralized by the sight of the defeat of their
ships, but being reinforced by many fugitive sailors, its garrison made
a resolute and successful defence, repulsing their assailants until
dark, when they re-embarked, having lost sixty men, or nearly a quarter
of their number. Fearing that the attack might be renewed, the Spaniards
worked very industriously in the night, strengthening their position and
levelling the ground outside it to increase the field of fire "by
digging down and making plain some little hills and eminent places from
whence possibly the castle might be offended."[175]

[Illustration: Gateway to the Fort at Puerto Bello    _See p. 94_]

Several persons who were floating or swimming in the water had been
captured and were brought to Morgan to be examined. Among them was a
pilot of more than ordinary intelligence, whom, in accordance with his
invariable practice, he closely questioned. He was told by him that the
Spanish squadron had at first consisted of six ships sent out to the
West Indies by an order of the supreme Council of State in Spain, with
orders to cruise in search of the English pirates and exterminate them,
being an _armada de barlovento_, or windward squadron, equipped for that
special service.

    "These orders", he said, "were given by reason of the news
    brought unto the Court of Spain of the loss and ruine of Puerto
    Velo and other places. Of all which Damages and Hostilities
    committed here by the English very dismal lamentations have
    oftentimes penetrated the ears both of the Catholick King and
    Council. And although the Spanish Court hath many times by their
    Embassadors sent Complaints hereof unto the King of England; yet
    it hath been the constant answer of his Majesty of Great
    Britain, That he never gave any Letters-patent nor Commissions
    for the acting any Hostility whatsoever against the Subjects of
    the King of Spain. Hereupon the Catholick King being resolved to
    revenge his Subjects and punish these proceedings, commanded six
    Men of War to be equipped; which he sent into those Parts under
    the command of Don Augustin de Bustos, who was constituted
    Admiral of the said Fleet."[176]

After their arrival at Cartagena, the two largest ships had been
recalled to Spain, being considered too big for employment as cruisers,
and the Admiral returned with them, leaving Espinosa in command. While
cruising in the bay of Campeachy in search of English privateers, one of
his ships, _Nuestra Senora del Carmen_, carrying twenty-six guns and one
hundred and fifty men had been lost in a hurricane, and the other three
so much damaged that they were forced to run into the harbour of San
Domingo to refit. While there information had been received that a fleet
of Jamaican privateers had passed along that coast sailing eastward,
from which a party of men had landed and raided the pretty village of
Aldea Gracia. One of these men had been captured, who stated that their
intention was to pillage the city of Caracas. Espinosa went immediately
in pursuit and found that Caracas had not been attacked. Soon after he
met a boat and learned from its crew that an English squadron of seven
ships and one boat had entered Lake Maracaibo. On approaching the
entrance of that lake signal guns were fired, and a pilot came out who
said that the English had taken Maracaibo and gone up the lake to attack
Gibraltar.

"Don Alonso, having understood this news, made a handsome Speech unto
all his Souldiers and Mariners, encouraging them to perform their duty,
and withal promising to divide among them all they should take from the
English."

The guns salvaged from his wrecked ship, with two more from his
flagship, were landed to re-arm the fort, which was re-occupied by a
stronger garrison than before, supplied by the local militia. Espinosa
then exacted a promise from his seamen neither to give nor take quarter
in a conflict with the English, and this the pilot affirmed was the
cause of so many of his comrades being drowned instead of surrendering.

    "Two days before you came against us," he added, "a certain
    Negro came on board Don Alonso's Ship, telling him, 'Sir, be
    pleased to take great care of yourself; for the English have
    prepared a Fireship with designe to burn your Fleet.' But Don
    Alonso would not believe this intelligence, his answer being,
    'How can that be? Have they peradventure wit enough to build a
    Fireship? or what instruments have they to do it withall?'"[177]

Morgan shrewdly treated this man with such kindness and rewarded him so
liberally that he agreed to enter into his service, and informed him
that a large sum of silver money, amounting altogether to forty thousand
pieces of eight, or ten thousand pounds sterling, had been on board the
ship which had been scuttled and burned. This statement seemed to be
corroborated by the appearance of several boats rowing about the wreck.
Morgan ordered one of his ships to remain near it and make an effort to
salvage this treasure, while he returned with the others and his prize
to Maracaibo to refit. After doing this he took command of _La Marquesa_
himself, as she was larger and better armed than any of the ships in his
squadron. A message was then sent to Espinosa, who had escaped on shore,
and such of the fugitive inhabitants of Maracaibo as had joined him,
demanding a ransom for that town, which, in case of a refusal, he
threatened to destroy utterly. After consulting on the subject those
unfortunate people decided to ask him to name the sum he wanted,
although the Admiral firmly refused his consent to any such agreement.
Morgan demanded the payment of thirty thousand pieces of eight and the
delivery of five hundred fat cattle, but he finally consented to accept
twenty thousand pieces of eight and five hundred beeves, for which he
agreed to liberate his prisoners and do no further damage to the town.
The cattle were brought to him next day with part of the money, the rest
of which was paid while his men were still engaged in killing those
animals and salting their flesh. Morgan, however, prudently declined to
release his prisoners until all his ships were allowed to pass through
the strait without being molested by the guns of the fort. On returning
to the scene of the naval action, he found that the crew of the ship he
had left there had succeeded in salvaging fifteen thousand pieces of
eight, besides many bars and ingots of silver from the wreck of the _San
Luis_. The prisoners were then assembled and required to request the
Spanish commander to promise an unopposed passage for Morgan's ships, or
they would all be put to death. They consented to do this and some of
them were permitted to land with this message. It is stated that "Don
Alonso gave them for answer a sharp reprehension of their cowardice,
telling them 'If you had been as loyal to your King in hindering the
entrance of these Pirats as I shall to their going out, you had never
caused those troubles either to yourselves or to our whole Nation, which
hath suffered so much through your pusillanimity. In a word, I shall
never grant your request; but shall endeavour to maintain that respect
which is due unto my King according to my duty.'"[178]

Yet on receiving this reply Morgan showed no anger and made no attempt
to put his savage threat into effect, but quietly remarked: "If Don
Alonso will not let me pass, I will find means how to do it without his
leave."

He then gave orders for an immediate division of the prize-money and
captured goods among his officers and their men, probably reserving the
proportion due to the King and Lord High Admiral. This spoil was found
to amount to two hundred and fifty thousand pieces of eight in money and
a great quantity of valuable merchandise, besides many slaves. The
passage of the strait was afterwards accomplished by means of a
stratagem which has been described by the Dutch writer already quoted,
who certainly was not inclined to be unfairly partial to Morgan or the
English in general.

    "On the day which preceded the night wherein they determined to
    get forth, they embarked many of the men in Canows and rowed
    towards the shore as if they designed to land them. Here they
    concealed themselves under branches of Trees that hang over the
    Coast for a while, till they had laid themselves down in their
    Boats. Then the Canows returned unto the Ships with the only
    appearance of two or three men rowing them back, all the rest
    being concealed at the bottom of the Canows. Thus much only
    could be perceived from the Castle; and this action of
    false-landing of men, for so we may call it, was repeated that
    day several times. Hereby the Spaniards were brought into the
    perswasion that the Pirats intended to force the Castle by
    scaling it as soon as night should come. This fear caused them
    to place most of their great Guns on that side which looketh
    towards the Land, together with the main force of their Arms,
    leaving the contrary side belonging to the Sea, almost destitute
    of Strength and Defence.

    "Night being come they weighed Anchor, and by the light of the
    moon, without setting sail, committed themselves to the ebbing
    Tyde which brought them gently down the River till they were
    nigh unto the Castle. Being now almost over against it, they
    spread their sails with all the hast[e] they could possibly
    make. The Spaniards perceiving them to escape, transported with
    all speed their Guns from the other side of the Castle, and
    began to fire very furiously at the Pirats. But these having a
    favourable wind were almost past the danger before those of the
    Castle could put things in a convenient order of offence, so
    that the Pirats lost not many of their men nor received any
    considerable damage to their Ships. Being now out of reach of
    the Guns, Captain Morgan sent a Canow unto the Castle with some
    of the Prisoners; and the Governour thereof gave them a Boat
    that every one might return unto his home. Notwithstanding he
    detained the Hostages he had from Gibraltar, by reason those of
    that town were not as yet come to pay the rest of the Ransom for
    not firing the place. Just as he departed Captain Morgan ordered
    seven great Guns with Bullets to be fired against the Castle, as
    it were to take leave of them. But they answered not so much as
    with a musket shot."[179]

"That is Harry Morgan's way" became a slogan everywhere in the West
Indies.

On the homeward voyage to Jamaica a fierce storm greatly imperilled
Morgan's ships, they being heavily laden and weakly manned, as his loss
of men in battle and by disease was considerable, yet none of them was
lost. On May 17, Colonel Beeston laconically recorded in a single short
sentence the return of the "privateers that had gone to the windward,
having taken Grenada and Maracaibo, and burnt the Spanish men-of-war
that were sent after them, and brought about thirty thousand pounds."

Morgan's remarkable success was in fact far from being altogether
satisfactory to the governor and members of his Council, who were
responsible for his employment. Early in February, 1669, the ship
_Isabella_ had arrived at Port Royal from England, bringing private
letters stating that the capture of Puerto Bello had been strongly
repudiated by the English government, and that the governor would be
recalled to answer for it. An attack upon Cartagena might have been
justified on the ground that preparations were being made there for an
invasion of Jamaica, but no such excuse existed for the raid upon
Maracaibo. Modyford was consequently discreetly silent about it in his
official correspondence. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that
the victorious seamen were warmly welcomed by the merchants and
tavern-keepers, and probably the majority of the people of Port Royal
and the neighbourhood, who were enriched by their lavish expenditure.
Port Royal itself soon gained the reputation of being one of the
wealthiest and wickedest places in the world. A contemporary local
writer said: "there is not now resident upon this place ten men to every
house that selleth strong liquors . . . . besides sugar and rum-works
that sell without license. All the tavern doors stand open as they do in
London on Sundays in the afternoon." Relying on the local tradition
still current many years after, Leslie relates how some of the reckless
privateers on their return from a successful cruise had been known to
spend two or three thousand pieces of eight in a single night of
debauchery. "They used", he wrote, "to bring a Pipe of Wine, place it in
the Street, and oblige every one that passed to drink; at other times
they would scatter it about in vast Quantities, thinking it excellent
Diversion to wet the Ladies' cloathes as they went along and force them
to run from the showers of Wine."[180]

Those privateers, who had failed to join Morgan at the island of Saona,
had been decidedly unfortunate in all their enterprises. On their
arrival at that place, several days after his departure, they did not
succeed in finding a letter he had concealed for them, stating his
intentions. When their whole force assembled it consisted of nearly
four hundred men in six small ships and a large undecked boat. Captain
Charles Hadsell, who had taken part in the capture of Santa Catalina and
Puerto Bello, was elected as commodore, and he determined to attack the
town of Cumana on the coast of Venezuela. A landing was made near that
place, but on advancing they met with such resolute opposition that they
retreated in great disorder with serious loss.

After their return to Jamaica it is stated that some of Morgan's men,
who apparently still resented their failure to join them in their last
expedition as they had expected, taunted them scornfully on their
defeat, often saying, "Let us see what money you brought from Cumana,
and if it be as good silver as that which we took at Maracaibo."[181]
Dampier remarked that Cumana was "the only place in the North Seas"
which the Jamaican privateers "had attempted in vain for years; and the
Spaniards since throw it in their teeth frequently, as a word of
reproach or defiance to them."[182]

This repulse and Morgan's remarkable success at Maracaibo and Gibraltar,
and his decisive defeat of a greatly superior squadron of Spanish ships
of war sent to the West Indies for the particular purpose of subduing
the Jamaican privateers, gave him much fame, but his commission was
suspended or withdrawn because he had exceeded his instructions. On June
14, less than a month after his return, a proclamation was published at
Port Royal in the usual manner by beat of drum and the voice of the
official crier, by order of the governor. Beeston again noted with
covert sarcasm that "nevertheless the privateers went in and out but not
with commissions." Morgan discreetly remained at home.[183]

Sir Thomas Modyford had been left in uncertainty as to the actual
intentions of the English government until he received letters from his
son in London announcing the King's serious displeasure at his invasion
of the Spanish provinces, although he had accepted his share of the
prize-money without compunction. The embarrassed governor then prepared
a long and careful defence of his conduct, from the date of his arrival
at Barbados on his way to Jamaica to take up its administration until
his receipt of a letter from the Duke of Albemarle authorizing him to
grant or refuse letters-of-marque against the Spaniards at his own
discretion.

    "Yet notwithstanding this full power," he wrote, "I would not
    proceed to grant commissions until the council of this island
    unanimously affirmed it was for the good of the island and gave
    their reasons; and thereupon in March, 1666, there being also
    war with France, I granted commissions, which was approved by
    his Grace, my end being only to keep them from joining with the
    French, but they had only commissions for taking ships, and none
    for landing. I always reproved them for so acting, especially in
    the business of Puerto Bello and Maracay; to which they made
    their defence in writing, which I sent home but never received
    any answer to. Meantime by reason of their numbers and not
    knowing the sense at home I thought it prudential to forbear
    punishing them; and receiving an intimation of his Majesty's
    sense in my son's letters and also advice of the Spaniard's
    intentions to attempt us, the galleons being daily expected in
    the Indies and the New Spain fleet already there, in order to
    detain the privateers on the island I repealed all their powers.
    I hear that divers of them intend to set up for themselves and
    only two have as yet joined the French. If the peace with France
    were immortal, or that warlike Prince[184] had no design this
    way, I should be little concerned at the lawless motions of the
    privateers, but well knowing the uncertainty of the former and
    the assuredness of the latter, I must confess it troubles me to
    be driven to that saddest error of all Governments to act so
    imprudently as in this most active age to weaken ourselves and
    strengthen our enemies. I will say something as to the
    unreasonable rumours of the great wealth these privateers are
    said to get; the Puerto Bello business cleared them 60 per
    head, and the fight with Don Alonso at Maracay 30; this the
    common sort spent immediately in arms, clothing, and drink, and
    some of the officers and civiller sort are settling plantations,
    and the owners of ships spend their shares in refitting, so that
    they are from hand to mouth and have little or nothing left.
    His Majesty's fifteenths I keep to be employed in fortification,
    which may be about 600, and his Royal Highness's tenths I have
    always sent home to Sir William Coventry and Mr. Wren for his
    account. To myself they gave only 20 for their commissions
    which in all has never exceeded 300. This I affirm to be true
    touching my transactions with the privateers of this port, and I
    challenge all the bold maligners and rash talkers against my
    actions in this particular, to disprove the least inconsiderable
    tittle or circumstance herein, not doubting but all sober and
    true Englishmen will not only absolve me but approve of my
    proceedings."[185]

This statement was supported by an abstract of several letters which he
had received at various dates from his brother, Sir James Modyford, Lord
Chancellor Clarendon, and the Duke of Albemarle, which appeared to
substantiate its accuracy.[186]

In a letter to Lord Arlington, dated six weeks later, he affirmed that
he had reported to the Duke of Albemarle all the activities of the
Jamaican privateers and the authority he had granted them in his
commissions, and had received the Duke's approval of his conduct. He
added plaintively that had Lord Arlington remembered these facts, "he
should not in the late debates touching these matters have been thought
so imprudent as he hears he has been." His son would present his
narrative and an abstract of certain letters to justify it, which he
hoped would "once more render him fair in his Lordship's opinion."[187]

He was certainly extremely perturbed and at the same time was convinced
that the safety of the island depended on the good will of the
privateers.

At the end of November he reported cheerfully that most of the
privateers had "turned merchants", and were trading with the Indians on
the coast of Central America for hides, tallow, turtle-shell, and
logwood, while others were engaged in hunting wild cattle and hogs in
Cuba. Some of the "best monied" among them had become planters in
Jamaica, but a few "knaves" were still endeavouring to plunder Spanish
ships and "by stealth land what they get in harbours out of command",
which he would try to prevent. None had yet gone to the French at
Tortuga and he hoped that none would go there, as the governor of that
island had also been forbidden to grant them commissions, "which at this
juncture fell out very happy for us", he said. If he were permitted to
continue the "moderate remedies" he had begun, he was confident that he
would "reduce the most part of them, for their ships will wear out, and
then they must stay on shore and plant or starve."[188]

Among the "best-monied" of the privateers who turned their attention to
planting or resumed that occupation, Henry Morgan was clearly the most
eminent and energetic of the privateers who became planters at this
time. His privateering ventures had supplied him with a sufficient
capital in money and negro slaves for the cultivation of a considerable
estate, which he then acquired by patent from the complacent governor.
The first grant of land thus made to him was dated on the 30th of
November, 1669, and registered in the Record Office for the Island at
Spanish Town on the 14th of February following. The Letter Patent from
the governor in the name of "Charles the Second by the Grace of God of
England, Scotland, France, and Ireland King, & of Jamaica Lord, defender
of the Faith, &c.", reads as follows:

    "Know ye that we for and in consideration that Collo. Henry
    Morgan hath transported himself together with his servants unto
    our Island of Jamaica in pursuance of our proclamation before
    made and for his better encouragement for being one of our
    planters there and for divers other good causes and
    considerations as thereunto moving of Speciall Grace and certain
    knowledge have I given and granted and by these presents for us
    our heirs and successors do give and grant unto the said Henry
    Morgan his heirs and assigns

    "All that parcel of land meadow or pasture and Woodland and
    whatsoever land the same is Cont[aining] 836 acres situate
    lyeing and being in Clarendon parish bounding northwest and
    north on Wast[e] Hilly Woodland & Easterly and Southerly on the
    river Minoe together with all edifices woods trees rents profits
    &c."

This tract of land, beautifully situated in the Rio Minho valley near
the present village of Chapelton, still bears the name of "Morgan's
Valley", and is now noted for its production of tobacco. It then lay on
the very frontier of the settled country. North of it lay a wilderness
of tangled forest and rugged hills, through which he attempted to
re-open the nearly obliterated Spanish road to the north side of the
island, and discovered the gap in the hills still known as "Morgan's
Pass". The neighbouring estate of "Danks" and the wooded lands called
"Morgan's Forest" were subsequently acquired by him. He seems to have
continued his search for eligible lands for planting to the west end of
the island, and gave his name to the stream known as "Morgan's River".

In consideration of this grant he was required to render annually to the
King "on the feasts of St. Michaell the Arch Angell and the Annunciation
of the Blessed Virgin Mary by equall Portions a twentieth part of the
clear yearly proffitt of all mines which now are or shall hereafter
happen to be found within those premises", and the further condition was
imposed that "the said Henry Morgan his heirs and assigns shall upon any
Insurrection mutiny or foreign invasion which may happen in my said
Island of Jamaica during his or their residence there be ready to serve
us and shall serve us in arms upon the Command of our Governor
there."[189]

Edward Collier, one of the best known of Morgan's captains, was granted
more than a thousand acres of land in the same parish, about the same
time.

Charles Modyford, acting then as his father's representative in London,
supplied the Secretary of State with a detailed account of the condition
of the colony of Jamaica, which stated that 165,564 acres of land had
been alienated by patent from the King. The number of men fit to bear
arms was estimated at three thousand, exclusive of fifteen hundred
privateers, who possessed twenty ships, the biggest of which was armed
with twelve guns. There were supposed to be twelve hundred white women
and children and two thousand five hundred slaves in the island.

"Nothing", he affirmed, "can now hinder the future thriving of that
island but want of inhabitants, or the unsettlement of it with the
Spaniards."[190]

[Footnote 151: Leslie, _A New History of Jamaica_, pp. 120-1.]

[Footnote 152: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1867, Browne to Williamson, 9th November, 1668.]

[Footnote 153: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1863, Extract of letter, unaddressed, 31st October, 1668.]

[Footnote 154: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1892, Browne to Williamson, 17th December, 1668.]

[Footnote 155: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1894, Declaration of Robert Delander and others.]

[Footnote 156: Historical MSS. Commission, 1899, Statement of Sir Robert
Fanshaw, in MSS. of J. M. Heathcote, No. 222.]

[Footnote 157: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1894.]

[Footnote 158: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1897, Affidavit of Peter Power, 23rd December, 1668.]

[Footnote 159: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 822, 18th December,
1668.]

[Footnote 160: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1899, i, Statement of John Doglar annexed to the memorial of the Spanish
ambassador, 7-17th January, 1669.]

[Footnote 161: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1899, Memorial of the Spanish ambassador, 7-17th January, 1669.]

[Footnote 162: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1207, addenda.]

[Footnote 163: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1207, addenda, Browne to Williamson, 20th January, 1669; Beeston,
Journal.]

[Footnote 164: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
21, Browne to Williamson, Port Royal, 12th February, 1669.]

[Footnote 165: Dampier, _Voyages_, I, p. 72, edition of 1906.]

[Footnote 166: Leslie, _A New History of Jamaica_, p. 121.]

[Footnote 167: _History of the Bucaniers of America_, translation
published by William Crooke, London, 1684, pp. 68-9.]

[Footnote 168: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, pp. 60-1.]

[Footnote 169: _History of the Bucaniers in America_, translation
published by William Crooke, London, 1684, pp. 60-7.]

[Footnote 170: Leslie, _A New History of Jamaica_, pp. 127-8.]

[Footnote 171: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, p. 68.]

[Footnote 172: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, p. 69.]

[Footnote 173: A kind of cap made of cloth and used by the country
people in Spain.]

[Footnote 174: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, p. 71.]

[Footnote 175: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, p. 73.]

[Footnote 176: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, p. 74.]

[Footnote 177: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, p. 76.]

[Footnote 178: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, p. 77.]

[Footnote 179: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, pp. 78-9.]

[Footnote 180: Leslie, _A New History of Jamaica_, pp. 100-1.]

[Footnote 181: _History of the Bucaniers_, edition of 1684, pp. 79-80.]

[Footnote 182: Dampier, _Voyages_, edition of 1906, I, p. 93.]

[Footnote 183: Beeston, _Journal_, 14th June, 1669.]

[Footnote 184: Louis XIV, King of France.]

[Footnote 185: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
103, A Narrative of Sir Thomas Modyford, Governor of Jamaica, 23rd
August, 1669.]

[Footnote 186: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
103, i, Abstract of several letters from Sir James Modyford, the Duke of
Albemarle, and the Lord Chancellor to Sir T. Modyford, from 6th March,
1665 to 2nd February, 1667.]

[Footnote 187: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
114, Modyford to Arlington, 1st October, 1669.]

[Footnote 188: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
129, Modyford to Albemarle, 30th November, 1669.]

[Footnote 189: _Liber of Letters Patent_, Volume 3, folio 227.]

[Footnote 190: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
144, Account of the present state of the Island of Jamaica, given in to
Lord Arlington by Charles Modyford, 22nd January, 1670.]




  CHAPTER V

  THE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES


The truce proclaimed by Governor Modyford was soon broken by the
Spaniards. About the end of January, 1670, the English ship, _Mary and
Jane_, commanded by Captain Bernard Claeson Speirdyck, who was a native
of Holland and was admitted to have been a privateer, sailed from Port
Royal, taking with him a letter from Sir Thomas Modyford, addressed to
the governor of Cuba, announcing the proclamation of peace, and having
on board a number of Spanish prisoners to be liberated. On arriving in
the bay of Manzanillo, Speirdyck notified the governor of Bayano of his
mission, who sent the alcalde of that town to receive the prisoners.
After the ship had been closely searched three times by the Spanish
officials, by whom she was suspected of being a pirate or privateer, the
captain was permitted to trade with the Cubans and sold his whole cargo.
On his homeward voyage to Jamaica, Captain Bernard, as he was commonly
called, encountered a ship sailing under English colours, to which he
sent a boat rowed by two men to obtain news. These men were taken on
board and detained as prisoners. The strange ship, which was a Spanish
privateer, named _San Pedro y La Fama_, commissioned against the English
by the governor of Cartagena, carrying fourteen guns and a crew of
ninety-six men, commanded by Manoel Rivera Pardal, a Portuguese seaman,
then fired a broadside at the English ship. Bernard had only a crew of
eighteen men but fought stubbornly for three hours, when his assailant
drew off. Next morning the attack was renewed and after a conflict of
four hours, "the good old captain and several of his crew being killed
and the ship on fire in the forecastle and stern", the _Mary and Jane_
was taken. Eight or ten days afterwards nine of the survivors were sent
adrift in their own longboat, with food enough for their subsistence
until they could land in Jamaica. Their ship with four of its crew was
carried as a prize into Cartagena. The Spanish captain had boasted that
he had letters of reprisal "for five years through the whole West Indies
for satisfaction of the Jamaicans taking Puerto Bello." Cornelius
Carstens, purser of the captured ship, made a deposition giving this
account, adding that the Spaniards had admitted the loss of thirty-six
men in the fight, "besides several with their legs shot off."[191]

A Spanish expedition from Florida had ravaged the English settlements on
the island of New Providence in the Bahamas, for which the enterprising
Captain Robert Searle, with other English privateers, had promptly
retaliated by sacking San Augustin.

Modyford was admittedly much embarrassed and worried by this sudden and
unexpected outbreak of hostilities. He reported the capture of the _Mary
and Jane_ in a letter to Lord Arlington, dated 15th March, 1670, adding

    that he had since had advice that "this Biskayner's consort fell
    on two of our small vessels about Cape Catoch[e], bound for the
    Bay [of Campeachy] for Logwood, who was happily taken by them,
    but his papers are not yet come up; by them I will be able to
    advise your Lordship what powers they have and from whence. This
    has so incensed the whole body of privateers that I hear they
    meditate revenge and have appointed a general rendezvous at
    Caimanos[192] next month, where I will send to divert them or
    moderate their councils. There arrived also at Port Morant, the
    _Cagway_, Captain Searle, with 70 stout men, who hearing that I
    was much incensed against him for that action of St. Augustine,
    went to Macary Bay, and there rides out of command. I will use
    the best ways to apprehend him, without driving his men to
    despair. I have heard of but three persons who have revolted to
    the French, and those are such as for their felonies deserve
    death here. I passionately long to see a letter from your
    Lordship and therein an absolution for my crimes."[193]

The commission discovered on board the Spanish privateer, _San Nicolas
de Tolontino_, captured by the logwood cutters, declared that

    "Whereas the Queen Regent of Spain by an order dated 20th April,
    1669, was pleased to inform Don Pedro Bayona y Villa Nueva,
    Captain General of the Province of Paraguay and Governor of the
    City of Santiago de Cuba, that relation being made to her of the
    hostilities which the French and English made in the West
    Indies, she had made complaint thereof to the King of Great
    Britain, giving him notice of the peace celebrated in 1667, to
    which his Majesty answered that his subjects had no peace in the
    Indies, upon which the Queen commanded Don Pedro to cause war to
    be published against that nation, and to execute all the
    hostilities which are permitted in war, by taking possession of
    the ships, islands, places, and ports which the English have in
    the said with which object that commission had been
    granted."[194]

No reasonable doubt could any longer be entertained that the renewal of
hostilities had been fully authorized by the Court of Spain, and all its
provincial governors in the West Indies and Central America duly
instructed to carry them on.

Sir James Modyford wrote in the greatest dismay to Colonel Thomas Lynch,
who was then in England.

    "I could wish I were not so deeply engaged in planting,
    especially now that I see the Spaniards begin to take the right
    course to ruin us. They have denounced war against us in
    Cartagena, and given out commissions by which they have killed
    Bart, [Bernard] and taken his ship trading with them at Savana
    de Cruz [Santa Cruz] in the South Cayes. They tell us plainly
    that they have daily in expectation twelve frigates from Europe,
    commanded by Matias de Saye, who have commissions (as all ships
    shall have that come into the Indies), to take all the English
    they can light on. Those are letters of reprisals and possibly
    the Windward Islands may come to suffer first, for all know how
    easy it is to surprise the English. But they talk of Port Morant
    and Yhallah, which they say they can easily destroy, and with a
    frigate or two lying off the point [at Port Royal] take all the
    ships, and so ruin the place by obstructing our commerce. You
    need not be told how the least of this will be. I wish you had
    your plantation with you and that it were not too big to be
    sold; mine, if possible, I'll dispose of and leave this warm sun
    for your God's blessing; for the Duke of Albemarle's death, this
    war, our making a blind peace, no frigates or orders coming out
    gives us cruel apprehensions and makes many remiss."[195]

Reports of Spanish aggressions continued to arrive from many quarters,
which the governor had carefully embodied in depositions for the
information of the English ministers. One of these stated that early in
the year a Jamaican privateer, commanded by Captain Thomas Rogers, had
been attacked by a Spanish man-of-war from Cartagena, which in
self-defence he had boarded and taken. Among the prisoners was an
Englishman, who had revolted from his allegiance and lived with the
Spaniards of Cartagena. "On being examined this man declared that war
against Jamaica had been publicly proclaimed in that city." Another
deponent, "Nicholas Hicks, gent.", stated that being in the island of
"Corisa" in November, 1669, he had made the acquaintance of an
Englishman, then employed as master or pilot of a Spanish ship belonging
to Puerto Bello, who told him that a proclamation had been made there
announcing that no quarter was to be given to any Englishman, "merchant
or man-of-war", and that he was sure that the Spaniards "would never
have peace with the English."[196]

At the same time Modyford took care to report that he had placed Captain
Searle under arrest, with the intention of punishing him for his raid
upon San Augustin, and that he had received no direct report from
Rogers. He earnestly requested Arlington to give "latitude to retaliate
in case the Spaniards act hostilities against us, with whom we shall
well enough cope of our own strength, not desiring any assistance from
England, unless the Spaniards send forces from Europe." This authority,
he said, he pressed for more urgently as he was in doubt whether the
instructions given him "by the Lord General [Albemarle] are extinct by
his never too much deplored death."[197]

Week after week passed away without the receipt of any further orders
from England, and the Governor wrote again stating that Searle was still
in custody of the Provost Marshal, awaiting trial. The population of the
island was daily increasing by immigration, and he was "still
passionately longing to receive those commands, which may give me
encouragement and occasion to enlarge myself." He enclosed the
deposition of the boatswain of an English ship, the _Amity_ of Bristol,
describing her capture by a Spanish frigate among the Windward Islands.
Her crew had been put ashore at "Corasa" where the Spanish captain had
shown the governor his commission "from old Spain against the English
and French, and not to give quarter to any Jamaicans or French from
Tortuga."[198]

Early in June the enterprising Pardal appeared off the north coast of
Jamaica with two small armed ships from Cartagena, which were called
frigates, and began a vigorous and ruthless campaign of devastation.
Small armed parties were landed on that defenceless shore, which killed
a few people, burned some buildings, destroyed plantations, and carried
off both negroes and whites as prisoners. Afterwards he cruised
defiantly off Port Royal, where he captured some boats and attempted a
raid upon the thriving sugar estates in the district of Withywood, or
Vere, which was abandoned on seeing a force of militia assembled to
oppose a landing. It was reported that he had planned an incursion at
Port Morant to devastate the large and valuable plantations of Colonel
Lynch and Sir James Modyford, but was prevented by his encounter with a
French ship, which he took and carried into Santiago de Cuba. On his way
he again passed in sight of Port Royal, and finally landed near Point
Negril at the west end, where he posted a placard on a tree containing a
bombastic challenge to Morgan, written in English and Spanish. The
following is the English version of this document.

    "I, Captain Manuel Rivera Pardal to the chief of the squadron of
    privateers in Jamaica. I am he who this year have done that
    which follows. I went on shore at Caimanos and burnt 20 houses
    and fought with Captain Ary and took from him a catch laden with
    provisions and a canoa. And I am he who took Captain Baines and
    did carry the prize to Cartagena, and now am arrived to this
    coast and have burnt it. And I am come to seek Admiral Morgan,
    with two ships of war of 20 guns, and having seen this, I crave
    he would come out upon the coast and seek me, that he might see
    the valour of the Spaniards. And because I had no time I did not
    come to the mouth of Port Royal to speak by word of mouth in the
    name of my King, whom God preserve."[199]

This placard bore the date of July 5. It was soon after discovered and
taken to Spanish Town, where it was laid before the Council, and was
eventually sent to England, where it is preserved in the Public Record
Office among the State Papers of the time.

These events placed the governor in a position of great difficulty. He
was a prey to conflicting emotions. His solicitude for the safety and
welfare of the colony impelled him to take immediate measures of
retaliation, while his fear of the displeasure of the King and his
Ministers restrained him. In this dilemma he summoned the Council to
consider the situation and advise him.

For some reason, perhaps the want of a quorum, nothing was done at its
first session. At an adjourned meeting, held at St. Jago de la Vega on
June 29, besides the governor, his brother, Sir James Modyford, and his
son, Major General Thomas Modyford, seven other members attended, most
of whom had been officers in the army of the Commonwealth and were old
residents, owning large estates. The governor presented much
documentary evidence of repeated hostile acts and aggressions by the
Spaniards. The members were greatly alarmed and convinced that the
safety of the whole island as well as their own plantations was
imperilled. They thought of but one man, whose ability and experience
made him the natural leader of their forces in this emergency, and the
following resolution was passed unanimously and entered in the Minutes.

    "Whereas it evidently appeared to this Board by a Copy of a
    Commission sent by the Honourable William Birk, Governor of
    Quiriza [Curacao] that the Queen Regent of Spain did by her
    Shadula, dated Madrid, the 20th of April, 1669, Command her
    respective Governours in the Indies to make open War against the
    Subjects of Our Sovereign Lord the King in these Parts, and also
    that the Governour of St. Jago of Cuba hath executed the same by
    granting Commissions of War against us; and lately in the most
    Hostile manner landed his men in three several places on the
    north side of this Island, marching as far as he durst into the
    Country, burning all the Houses they came at, killing and taking
    prisoners all the Inhabitants they could meet with, and now
    lately they appeared with three Ships on the South side of this
    Island at Michael's hole within eight Leagues of our chief
    Harbour, and came near the shore, full of men, but finding the
    Inhabitants prepared for them, went out again; and the next day
    landed at Paratee-Bay, 18 Leagues to Windward, and there burnt
    two Houses; and that divers of the rest of the Spanish
    Governours have also granted Commissions and are Levying Forces
    against us, and have, as we are credibly informed, made St. Jago
    of Cuba their present Magazine and their Rendezvous, where their
    present Forces are to unite and embody for the speedy invasion
    of this Island; which intention if it be suffered to ripen so
    far, as that the Enemy be enabled to Land their Forces in this
    Island, we shall be inforced to quit the present care of our
    Plantations and attend on the enemies motions, whereby our said
    Plantations will run to ruin, our Cattle and other Stock run
    wild, our Slaves take to the Woods; and although by chance of
    war Conquerors, put to begin the world again, to our
    insupportable loss and most infinite damage to his Majesty's
    Service.

    "And whereas his Majesty hath out of his most princely foresight
    and great care of us directed in his last article of Royal
    Instructions, which his Excellency hath been pleased on this
    extraordinary occasion to communicate to this Board in these
    words:

    "'As forasmuch there are many things incident to that Government
    there, for which it is not easy for us to prescribe such Rules
    and Directions for you as our service and the benefit of that
    Island may require, instead of them you are with the advice of
    the Council to take care therein as fully and effectually as if
    you were instructed by us, of which extraordinary causes, giving
    us due information, you shall receive further satisfaction from
    us as our Service shall require,' in discharge therefore of that
    great trust which is by that Instruction put in us as His
    Majesty's Council of this Place, and in this great and urgent
    necessity, we humbly advise and pray your Excellency, for the
    seasonable prevention of these impending evils, It may ordain
    and be ordained by his Excellency and His Majesties Council now
    assembled, and by authority of the same, That Commission be
    granted to Admiral Henry Morgan to be Admiral and Commander in
    chief of all the Ships of War belonging to this Harbour, and of
    all the Officers, Souldiers, and Seamen belonging to the same,
    requiring him with all possible speed to draw into one Fleet,
    and with them to put to Sea for the security of the coast of
    this Island and of the Merchant Ships and other vessels, trading
    to and about the same. And to Attain, Seize, and Destroy all the
    enemies vessells that shall come within his reach; and also for
    destroying the Stores and Magazines laid up for this war, and
    dispersing such forces as are or may be brought together for
    prosecuting the same. That he shall have power to Land in the
    enemies Country as many of his men as he shall think needful;
    and with them to march to such places as he shall be informed
    the said Magazines or Forces are, and then accordingly take,
    destroy and dispose of; and to do and perform all manner of
    exploits which may tend to the preservation and quiet of this
    Island, being his Majesties chief Interest in the Indies, and
    that for the better Government of the said Fleet, Officers,
    Souldiers, and Seamen, he have power to execute Marshall Law,
    according to the Articles of War already Made, or which shall
    hereafter be made by his Excellency, the same having been first
    published unto them. And it is further Ordained in regard there
    is no other pay for the encouragement of the said Fleet, That
    they shall have all the Goods and Merchandise that shall be
    gotten in this Expedition, to be divided amongst them, according
    to their usual Rules; and for their better encouragement to
    engage in this so necessary a Service, It is further ordained by
    the Authority aforesaid, That no person already belonging to
    said Fleet shall be molested for his Debts, but are hereby
    protected until further Order, of which the Provost Marshall is
    to take notice at his peril."[200]

The very extensive authority conferred on Morgan by this Order in
Council indicates very clearly that he had been consulted in its
preparation, ensuring that the invasion of Spanish territory was
regularly sanctioned. War against the Spaniards was accordingly once
more solemnly proclaimed by beat of drum in Port Royal on the morning of
July 2. The danger of an invasion was considered so evident that an
enrolment was made of all persons liable for military service.

The name of Morgan had become a word to conjure with among seamen of all
nations in the West Indies,[201] and the Spaniards acknowledged that he
surpassed all their other enemies "en audacia y en fortuna."[202]
Messengers were soon sent off by him in all directions to give notice of
his appointment and call for volunteers and ships to join his fleet. As
England and France were once more at peace the fierce and lawless French
buccaneers of Hispaniola and Tortuga were again at liberty to serve
under the English flag. Yet Modyford delayed the issue of his commission
for nearly a month, perhaps hoping for some definite instructions from
England or wishing to be assured of Morgan's success in assembling men
and ships before committing himself beyond retraction. This commission
was dated on July 22nd, 1670, and very carefully worded.

"Sir Thomas Modyford, Baronet, Governour of His Majesty's Island of
Jamaica, Commander-in-Chief of all His Majesties Forces within the said
Island and in the Islands thereunto adjacent, Vice-Admiral to His Royal
Highness the Duke of York in the American Seas.

    "To Admiral Henry Morgan, Esq. Greeting.

    "Whereas the Queen Regent of Spain hath by her Royal Shadula,
    dated at Madrid the 20th of April, 1669, Commanded her
    respective Governours in the Indies to publish and make War
    against our Sovereign Lord the King in these Parts. And whereas
    Don Pedro Bayona de Villa Nueva, Captain General of the Province
    of Paraguay and Governour of the City of St. Jago de Cuba and
    its Provinces, hath executed the same, and lately in the most
    hostile and barbarous manner landed his men on the north side of
    this Island, and entered a small way into the Country, firing
    all the Houses they came at, killing or taking Prisoners all the
    Inhabitants they could meet with; and whereas the rest of the
    Governours in these Parts have granted Commissions for executing
    the like Hostility against us, and are diligently gathering
    Forces together to be sent to St. Jago de Cuba, their General
    Rendezvous and place of Magazine, and from thence as the most
    opportune place to be transported for a thoro' Invasion and
    final Conquest (as they hope) of this Island, for the prevention
    of which their mischievous Intentions, in discharge of the great
    trust which His Gracious Majesty hath placed in me, I do by
    virtue of full Power and Authority in such cases from His Royal
    Highness, James Duke of York, His Majesties Lord High Admiral,
    derived unto me, and out of the great confidence I have in the
    good conduct, courage, and fidelity of you the said Henry Morgan
    to be Admiral and Commander in chief of all the Ships, Barques,
    and other Vessels now fitted, or which hereafter shall be fitted
    for the publick Service and defence of this Island, and also of
    the Officers, Souldiers, and Seamen, which are, or shall be put
    upon the same, requiring you to use your best endeavours to get
    the vessels into one Body or Fleet, and to cause them to be well
    mann'd, fitted, arm'd, and victualled, and by the first
    opportunity, wind and weather permitting, to put to Sea for the
    Guard and Defence of this Island, and of all vessels trading to
    or about the same; and in order thereunto to use your best
    endeavours to surprise, take, sink, disperse, and destroy all
    the enemies ships or vessels which shall come within your view,
    and also for preventing the intended Invasion against this
    place, you are hereby further authorised and required, in case
    that you and your Officers in your Judgment find it possible, or
    feasable to land and attain the said Town of St. Jago de Cuba,
    or any other place belonging to the Enemies, where you shall be
    informed that Magazines and Stores for this War are laid up, or
    where any Rendezvous for their Forces to Imbody are appointed
    and there to use your best endeavours for the seizing the said
    Stores, and to take, kill, and disperse the said Forces. And all
    Officers, Souldiers, and Seamen, who are or shall be belonging
    to or embarqued upon the said vessels are hereby strictly
    enjoyned both by Sea and Land, to obey you as their Admiral and
    Commander in chief in all things as becometh them; and you
    yourself are to observe and follow all such Orders as you shall
    from time to time receive from His most excellent Majesty, his
    Royal Highness, or myself."

This commission was accompanied and amplified by the following precise
instructions.

    "Instructions for Admiral Henry Morgan, Esq., delivered him the
    22d of July, 1670, together with his Commission.

    "1. You will with these Instructions receive my Commission which
    you are enjoyned with all expedition to publish and put in due
    execution, according to the full extent and import of the same,
    for the accomplishing whereof, you shall have all the assistance
    this Island can give you.

    "2. You are to make known to me what strength you can possibly
    make, what your wants may be, that on due calculation of both,
    we may supply you with all possible speed.

    "3. You are to take notice and advise your Fleet and Souldiers
    that you are on the old pleasing Account of no purchase no pay,
    and therefore that all which is got shall be divided amongst
    them according to accustomed Rules.

    "4. In case you shall find it prudential, as by your Commission
    you are directed, to attain St. Jago of Cuba, and God blessing
    you with victory, you are hereby directed, in case you do it
    without any considerable hazards, to keep and make good the
    place and country thereabout, until you have advised me of your
    success and received my further Orders touching the same, lest
    your suddenly quitting and their suddenly returning, beget us
    new work, and put on new charges and hazards for the second
    defeating.

    "5. In order to this you are to proclaim mercy and enjoyment of
    estates and liberty of customs to all the Spaniards that will
    submit and give assurance of their Loyalty to His Majesty, and
    Liberty to all the Slaves that will come in; and to such as by
    any good service may deserve the same; you are to give notice
    that their fugitive Masters' Plantations are to be divided
    amongst them as rewards for the same & make them sufficient
    Grants in writing, both for their Liberties and Estates,
    reserving to the Crown of England the fourth part of the produce
    to be yearly paid for the yearly maintenance of such Forces as
    shall defend those parts.

    "6. In case you find that course to take approveable effect, you
    are as much as will stand with the same to preserve the
    Sugarworks and Canes; but if it otherwise appear to you, that in
    reason you cannot make good the place for any long time, and
    that the Spaniards and Slaves are deaf to your Proposals, you
    are then, with all expedition to destroy and burn all
    Habitations, and leave it as a Wilderness, putting the
    Men-Slaves to the Sword and making the Women-Slaves Prisoners to
    be brought hither, and sold for the account of your Fleet and
    Army, such of the men also that cannot speak Spanish, or any new
    Negro, you may preserve for the same account; or if any Ships be
    present to carry them for New England or Virginia, you may send
    them all on the same account.

    "7. You are to enquire what usage our Prisoners have had, and
    what Quarter hath been given by the Enemy to such of ours as
    have fallen under their power, and being well informed, you are
    to give the same, or rather as our custom is to exceed in
    Civility and Humanity, endeavouring by all means to make all
    sorts of People sensible of your Moderation and good nature, and
    your inaptitude and loathing to spill the blood of men.

    "8. You have hereby power to execute Marshall Law, according to
    such military Laws as have been made by me, and the Laws made by
    Act of Parliament for the government of the Fleet, which I
    approve of as fitting for the Service; and hereby authorise you
    to put them in execution against such as shall offend you,
    having first published the said Laws unto them, that none may
    pretend ignorance.

    "9. If any Ship or Ships shall be present, which have not any
    Commissions, you are hereby impowered to Grant Commissions to
    them according to the form I have used, taking security of
    1,000 for the performance of the same.

    "10. What Ships in this Expedition you shall keep with you under
    your Command and them order and dispose for the best improvement
    of this Service, not suffering the takers or pretenders to sell
    them until they come into their Commission Port.

    "11. In regard many things may happen in this Action which
    cannot be by me foreseen and provided for in these Instructions,
    therefore all such matters are left to your well known prudence
    and conduct, referring to you that are in the place to do
    therein what shall be needful, thus wishing you success and this
    Island made happy thereby, I remain
        "your faithful Friend and Servant
            "Thos. Modyford."[203]

These instructions plainly show that the governor had some hope of
making a permanent conquest of the desirable port and district of
Santiago de Cuba, which were regarded as a standing menace to all the
new settlements on the north side of Jamaica and had been taken so
easily by Christopher Mings only eight years before. But at the same
time there could be no doubt that the ships, which had raided the south
shore and threatened Port Royal, had been commissioned by the governor
of Cartagena, and Morgan was consequently authorized to attack any place
where hostilities were being promoted against Jamaica.

Early in July Modyford had written to Lord Arlington requesting the
King's ratification of the proceedings in Council, adding: "It is
possible that the Spaniards with their great ships of 40 to 60 guns may
be masters of the seas and impede our trade, in which case we must
implore the assistance of his Majesty's frigates; but on shore we fear
them not, but hope in time to fix the war in their own country, to which
your Lordship's advice and favour would greatly encourage."[204]

At the end of the same month he reported that he had not only given a
commission as Admiral to Morgan but also commissions to "ten others to
be of his fleet, which is already so considerable that he will take the
sea in fourteen days, having appointed a rendezvous for divers
others."[205]

On August 1 additional instructions were issued to Morgan, possibly at
his own request, informing him that "whereas nothing can be of greater
prejudice to his Majesty's affairs than the old lawless custom of the
captains of privateers going from the fleet when they pleased", he was
empowered, on sufficient evidence of such an intention produced before a
court-martial, to deprive the offenders of their commissions and confer
them on other persons whom he could trust, and in case any of those, who
had so deserted him, should come within his power, he was instructed to
send them as prisoners to Jamaica. He was commanded to prevent private
soldiers or seamen from leaving his fleet or to "run from one ship to
another" without permission in writing "under his hand." Authority was
given him to appoint lieutenants to the captain of every ship "for the
better keeping of the souldiers and seamen to their obedience", and he
was required to give the governor "due advice of your motions, success,
or losses, that he may send further instructions and assistance."[206]

A few days later the _Satisfaction_ returned from a lengthy cruise,
having, as Surgeon Browne wrote, been eighteen months at sea "with a
dull and sluggish commander", during which little news had been received
from Jamaica and few Spanish ships had been sighted. She had cruised
most of the time in the Bay of Campeachy, taking nothing but some
provisions, as the Spanish vessels sailed together in fleets and no
single ships had been encountered. At length, quite tired of being at
sea so long "without purchase", the captain went to the Cayman islands,
where he received an order from Modyford to return to Jamaica at once.

Port Royal was then the scene of the greatest bustle and activity. Many
ships were anchored in the harbour, where Admiral Morgan was equipping a
fleet "with 1,500 men for some notable design on land", to which Browne
stated he had been appointed as Surgeon-General. He had seen a letter
from the governor of Bermuda stating that the Spaniards had lately taken
a ship belonging to that island, and treated her crew so roughly that
two or three hundred men from there were ready to assist the people of
Jamaica in any enterprise against them. The French at Tortuga and
Hispaniola had offered to join the expedition with five or six hundred
buccaneers and seamen. The population of Jamaica, he said, had been much
increased lately by settlers from Barbados, and many more were expected
to arrive very soon. The island had a great commerce in every direction.
Twenty or thirty ships were lying in the spacious harbour. It was the
best settled and best governed island in the West Indies.

"Fifteen or twenty sail of third, fourth, or even fifth rate frigates",
Browne cheerfully assured the Under Secretary of State, could "overrun
the whole Indies in a very short time and add a splendid jewel to his
sacred Majesty's crown." But while Morgan's fleet was absent the colony
would be in great peril, and it was earnestly wished that the King would
send some of his ships of war to protect the merchants and planters from
"the insolencies of the Spaniards".[207]

Not being quite satisfied with his recent letters to Lord Arlington,
whom he may reasonably have suspected of sympathizing with Spain,
Modyford tried to strengthen his position by an appeal to Lord Ashley,
another member of the famous "Cabal" cabinet.

    "Knowing the great respect your Lordship hath always borne to
    righteous causes," he wrote, "and your great integrity in
    defending them, in this, my own great undertaking, I implore
    your countenance and assistance. My son will present papers in
    which are many reasons for the present justice of our arms
    against the Spaniard; yet because it may be looked on as a fond
    rash action for a petty governor without money to make war with
    the richest, and not long since the powerfullest prince of
    Europe, I have thought it reasonable to give your Lordship a
    short and true view of our affairs here. The Spanish possessions
    are very large, but the possessors are very few, and much the
    major part Indians, negroes, and other slaves, to whom it is
    indifferent who is their master; for example, Cuba is in length
    600 miles, and not above six towns on it, and those so far
    distant from each other that they cannot be any relief to
    themselves; the country abounds with cattle, hogs, &c., and by
    this means our private men-of-war careen, refit, and victual,
    without more charge than a gang of hunters and dogs, and expect
    no other pay than what they get from the enemy. These are men,
    who make about 1,500, and never will be planters. I have
    employed them to keep the war in their own country, and judge
    you, my Lord, in this exigent, what course could be more frugal,
    more prudential, more hopeful--the men volunteers, the ships,
    arms, ammunition their own, their victuals and pay the enemy's
    and such enemies as they have always beaten. The enemy, as
    appears by the Queen's schedula, have been providing for this
    war since April, 1669, and probably longer; their rendezvous is
    appointed, and their ships have come upon our coast with fire
    and sword, challenging us out to them; so that should we have
    delayed for orders from his Majesty, which must have been six
    months at least, that nation would, if possible, be heightened
    above its native pride and ours perhaps as much cowed, all their
    designs perfected, and the gross of their intended forces
    embodied; whereas by this more speedy course we shall in all
    probability quell their pride and so amuse them in their own
    quarters as that they shall never be able very considerably to
    join against us. I have reason to hope that the war, thus
    unreasonably begun by them, will so heighten the reputation of
    his Majesty's forces here that there will be a good foundation
    laid for a great increase of his Majesty's dominions in these
    parts; yet I far more dread the censure of my friends and
    countrymen on this occasion than the sword of the enemy, such
    has been my hard fortune formerly on like occasions to have been
    misrepresented".[208]

He urgently requested Lord Ashley's mediation to obtain the King's
approval of his conduct, which he reasonably considered was fully in
accord with the royal instructions.

A private letter from Port Royal, written a day before the fateful
meeting of the Council, which ultimately came to the office of the
Secretary of State, related that the Spanish ships cruising to leeward
had taken a ketch commanded by one Watson, a Quaker, and also a barque
belonging to that town, which was virtually blockaded by them. The
writer added: "We talk of nothing here but burning St. Jago de Cuba,
being the first place that granted commissions against us."[209]

Meanwhile, the indignant complaints and remonstrances of the Spanish
ambassador had taken effect, and induced Lord Arlington to submit a
memorandum to the King recommending that a letter should be sent to the
governor of Jamaica commanding that "he absolutely abstain and take
strict care that no descent be made by any ships or forces belonging to
his Majesty or his subjects, or by any authority derived from his
Majesty upon any lands or places possessed by the Spaniards to invade or
plunder any of them, and that he discourage by all persuasions he can
any other nation from the like attempts. This is all his Majesty thinks
expedient to command at present, but because he will be willing in time
to settle a perfectly good correspondence with the Spaniards in the
Indies, whereunto not only the interest of his Majesty's plantations
abroad, but of his commerce in Europe may oblige him, his Majesty
expects the Governor to send his advice by what method the depredations
acted also upon the Spaniards may be most easily and speedily
suppressed, and what encouragement may be given to those who hitherto
have lived by that trade, so as they may be retained under his Majesty's
obedience, and their labour converted to his interest and honour".[210]

In the letter actually written to Modyford these instructions were
considerably modified. In the interval three letters from him had been
received, dated between January 20 and March 20, 1670, describing the
vexatious aggressions of the Spanish cruisers and making some kind of an
absurd proposal that English privateers might be employed by the
Spaniards. This Arlington curtly dismissed as impracticable, as "if
their jealousy be such as not to admit merchants trading with never so
much advantage to them and their ports, it is hard to believe they will
admit a body of soldiers made so by preying upon them, or afford them
any tolerable good usage."[211]

Ever since Sir William Godolphin had been sent to Spain as English
ambassador in succession to the Earl of Sandwich negotiations had been
continued for an amendment of the late treaty. It had been "daily
expected", Arlington informed Modyford, "he would be able to bring that
Court to some articles that might make them live like good neighbours in
the West Indies, they affording us a safe retreat in their ports, and
wood, water, and refreshments for money, forbearing to ask freedom of
trade, which neither we in our Leeward plantations, nor they in any part
of America, according to their ancient constitutions, can admit of; this
they could hardly agree to, such have been their resentments for what
the privateers have done, and such their demands for reparation. His
Majesty's pleasure is that in what state soever the privateers are at
the receipt of this letter, you keep them so, till we have a final
answer from Spain, with condition only that you oblige them to forbear
all hostilities at Land. Further, his Majesty expects your best advice
how in case of agreement with Spain, he might best dispose of this very
valuable body of privateers, and whether it be not practicable to oblige
them to betake themselves to planting, merchandising, or service in his
Majesty's men-of-war."

His letter ended with the chilling remark that "the Spanish men-of-war
attacking Captain Bernard and others in the Bay of Campeachy is not at
all to be wondered at after such hostilities as your men have acted
upon their territories, and, because this way of warring is neither
honourable nor profitable to his Majesty, he is endeavouring to put an
end to it, and you shall be timely advertised of the progress of the
negotiations."[212]

Modyford received this communication on August 18. Morgan had then
engaged and fitted out eleven ships of various dimensions, on which were
embarked six hundred men, many of them wearing the red coats worn by the
famous New Model Army of the Commonwealth of England, "for the terrible
name thereof", as contemporary writers relate. Having hoisted his ensign
as admiral of the fleet at the masthead of the _Satisfaction_, the
largest and best armed vessel, he had sailed out of Port Royal the day
before and anchored in lee of the "cays" a few miles outside, to wait
for a favouring wind. For several weeks past swift-sailing sloops and
schooners had been speeding on their way with messages to invite the
privateers from the Caymans, the "South Cays" of Cuba, Tortuga, the many
isles of the Bahamas, and even the far distant Bermudas, to join his
flag at the appointed rendezvous, the well-known Isle  la Vache or isle
of "Ash", and these messengers could not then be recalled. Much had been
done that could scarcely be undone. Already too, a small squadron of
privateers had sailed toward the Spanish mainland to encourage the
operations of the insurgent Indians in the vicinity of Mompos on the
Magdalena river.

Modyford replied to Arlington's letter a week after its receipt, and
rather strangely assured the Minister that he had received it "with much
comfort and satisfaction as although therein absolved of but one of the
many imprudencies laid to his charge, he hoped that all the others would
be buried in oblivion." The King's instructions, he said, had
"infinitely revived his despairing heart." He had sent for the Admiral
at once and made them known to him, "strictly charging him to observe
the same, and behave with all moderation possible in carrying on this
war. He had replied that he would observe these orders as far as
possible, but necessity would compel him to land in the Spaniards'
country for wood, water, and provisions, or desert the service, and
that unless he were assured of the enemy's embodying or laying up stores
in their towns for the destruction of this island he would not attempt
any of them; which (added he) could his Majesty have been acquainted
with, he would (as all believe) have had injunction to spare such a
place."

Modyford seemed satisfied with this declaration, and Morgan's fleet
sailed on August 14 for Bluefields bay near the west end of Jamaica on
his way to the rendezvous, where it was confidently expected to be "in a
better posture than ever any fleet that went out of this island, these
rugged fellows having submitted to a stricter discipline than they could
ever yet be brought to."

Yet in conclusion the governor thought it expedient to justify his
conduct at considerable length.

[Illustration: Inside the Castle at Chagres    _See p. 171_]

[Illustration: The Burning of Panama    _See p. 189_]

    "That the Spaniards will ever, unless necessity compels them,
    allow trade in these parts, your Lordship has been often
    advised, neither did I ever think that they would employ the
    English privateers, unless the French or Dutch should endeavour
    to oppress them; but I believe, in view of the Queen of Spain's
    schedula, they had hopes of French assistance against the
    English. But that will prove vain, for the French, partly
    because the Governor [of Tortuga] denied commissions against the
    Spaniard, but principally because he has joined with the Royal
    Company of France to impose some unusual duties on them, they
    have rebelled and driven him from the shore, seized his estate,
    and done him all the injuries they could. Both parties have
    applied to me for assistance, but I have been equally civil to
    each and promised nothing, only I have advised Admiral Morgan to
    assure the Protestant party of a good welcome here if they came
    to plant. Had that reputed most wise Council of Spain suspended
    their resentment but two years longer, most of our privateers
    had betaken themselves to another way of living, for their
    rigging, sails, and ships were almost worn out, and their owners
    disheartened for want of commissions, so that the better sort
    daily came on shore to settle, and the seamen who will never
    settle, began to dispose themselves on merchant voyages, and
    would serve much more willingly on his Majesty's ships were they
    in these seas, two or three of which will be needed if the peace
    proceed, to secure this island against those rovers, who will
    always be found in these parts by reason of the great
    conveniences they have in the Spaniards' unpeopled countries, so
    that in one year longer they would have been considerably
    reduced had not these unexpected provocations enforced his
    Majesty's authority here to provide for the security of this
    island by their best expedient. That by the same means when the
    peace is concluded, which I can but faintly hope for, namely,
    denying them commissions only, these men may be in some
    reasonable time diverted from that course which has hitherto
    been their sole support, is my humble advice; other more violent
    ways will make them in despair or revenge join with foreign
    nations, or set up for themselves, which course had I followed
    they would now be enemies or at least not friends, and I should
    have dearly repented the want of that assistance, security, and
    reputation we now gain by them. Could the Council of Spain be
    well informed of their want of men to defend their large
    possessions in these parts, they would conclude themselves
    incapable of destroying Jamaica and make peace; but they are
    borne up by false measures of their strength and have plunged
    themselves into this war, and so slight the application of Sir
    Wm. Godolphin; but a little more suffering will inform them of
    their condition and force them to capitulations more suitable to
    the sociableness of man's nature. . . . I have charged the
    Admiral to send me an account of his strength, and from time to
    time of his motions and intentions, which shall be remitted to
    your Lordship by the first occasion."[213]

[Footnote 191: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
172, Deposition of Cornelius Carstens.]

[Footnote 192: The Cayman islands, 110 to 150 miles northwest of the
west end of Jamaica.]

[Footnote 193: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
162, Modyford to Arlington, 15th March, 1670.]

[Footnote 194: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
149, Commission of war by the Spaniard against the English in the West
Indies, 26th January-5th February, 1670.]

[Footnote 195: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
162, Extract of a letter from Sir James Modyford to Colonel Lynch, 18th
March, 1670.]

[Footnote 196: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
172, i, Depositions of Captain John Coxend and Peter Burnett; No. 172,
ii, Deposition of Nicholas Hicks, gent.]

[Footnote 197: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, Sir
T. Modyford to Lord Arlington, 20th April, 1670.]

[Footnote 198: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Modyford to Arlington, 5th May, 1670, deposition of Wm. Lane.]

[Footnote 199: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
310, ii, Captain Manuel Rivera Pardal's challenge; _ibid._, No. 227,
Browne to Williamson, Port Royal, 7th August, 1670.]

[Footnote 200: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
214, Minutes of Council, 29th June, 1670.]

[Footnote 201: Beeston, _Journal_.]

[Footnote 202: Pezuela, _Historia de la Isla de Cuba_, II, p. 155.]

[Footnote 203: Minutes of the Council of Jamaica; _Sir Henry Morgan's
Voyage to Panama, 1670_, Printed for Thomas Malthus, at the _Sun_ in the
_Poultry_, London, 1683.]

[Footnote 204: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
214, Modyford to Arlington, 6th July, 1670.]

[Footnote 205: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
222, Modyford to Arlington, 30th July, 1670.]

[Footnote 206: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
226, Governor Modyford's additional instructions to Admiral Henry
Morgan, 1st August, 1670.]

[Footnote 207: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
227, Richard Browne to Joseph Williamson, Port Royal, 7th August, 1670.]

[Footnote 208: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
216, Sir T. Modyford to Lord Ashley, undated.]

[Footnote 209: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
207, Extract of a letter from Port Royal, 28th June, 1670.]

[Footnote 210: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
193, Memorandum in the handwriting of Lord Arlington, June, 1670.]

[Footnote 211: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
194, Arlington to Sir Thomas Modyford, 12th June, 1670.]

[Footnote 212: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies._]

[Footnote 213: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
237, Sir T. Modyford to Lord Arlington, 20th August, 1670.]




  CHAPTER VI

  OLD PROVIDENCE, CHAGRES, AND PANAMA


After taking in wood, water, and some provisions at Bluefields, Morgan
sailed around the west end of Jamaica, probably in search of Pardal, who
had lately challenged him so boldly but was then reported to be "afraid
of the very shadow of a ship." He then stood across to the southern
coast of Cuba, where he left one of his ships to cruise among the many
cays, with instructions to take prisoners and obtain intelligence. With
the remainder of his fleet he bore away eastward, reconnoitring Santiago
and raising an alarm on his way to his appointed rendezvous, where he
expected to assemble thirty ships and possibly fifteen hundred seamen
and landsmen, English and French. While waiting for the arrival of those
still expected from a distance, large parties were employed in hunting
wild cattle and hogs in the neighbouring savannas and woods of
Hispaniola to provide a sufficient supply of salted meat for a long
expedition. "To Cartagena [is] the word", said a contemporary
letter-writer. His ships had been scattered in a gale and three of them
failed to rejoin the others until September 2. He then learned that the
"Momposse fleet" had met with misfortune. The party landed from it to
communicate with the Indians had fallen into an ambush, lost several
men, and had been forced to retreat to their ships without success.[214]

The "Isle of Ash", as it was called by the English seamen, was an ideal
place for careening and refitting ships in the primitive methods of the
time, as well as for restoring the health of the men after the unbridled
dissipation of Port Royal, and forming stores of provision in secrecy.
It was eleven miles in length by about three in average breadth, well
wooded and supplied with springs of fresh water. The lagoon between it
and the mainland, five miles in width, was well sheltered from every
wind in rough weather. The channels leading into it were narrow and
difficult to follow. Here the smaller ships could cruise about without
the use of sails and observe the sea without being seen, always had the
advantage of the wind over any vessels attempting to beat to windward,
and could pounce upon them suddenly. Cacao, sugar cane, cotton, and
tobacco grew in luxuriance. The climate was healthful and pleasant. Fish
and turtle were easily taken in quantities. The island was described as
a most desirable place for the establishment of an English colony.[215]

On September 6, having then remained there for several days without
receiving any reliable information of the intentions or movements of the
Spaniards, the Vice-Admiral, Captain Edward Collier, was sent with six
ships and 350 men "to go for the course of the Main to get Prisoners for
Intelligence for the better Stearing our Course and the managing our
design for the most of his Majesties Honour and Service and the safety
of Jamaica", Morgan reported.[216]

About the middle of that month, three "good ships and a catch" arrived
at Port Royal, and were sent off at once to join the fleet. One of these
was the _Mayflower_, commanded by Captain Joseph Bradley, who had
accompanied Mansfield in his unsuccessful expedition against Cartago and
the subsequent capture of Santa Catalina. Bradley brought with him the
ketch of the Quaker Watson, which he had retaken from a Spanish
privateer With six of her original crew, and had chased her captor
within gunshot of the Morro castle, but he had escaped into the port of
Havana, carrying off as prisoners the unfortunate Watson and two
"Quaker preaching women."[217]

The _Dolphin_, commanded by his former comrade, Captain John Morris,
which had been left by Morgan on the south coast of Cuba to obtain
intelligence, did not rejoin his fleet until the end of September, but
then brought in a prize of considerable importance, which caused great
rejoicing. Having been driven by foul weather into a bay near the east
end of that island, Morris unexpectedly encountered Pardal, "the
vapouring admiral of St. Jago", in his frigate armed with fourteen guns
and "double-manned, having taken on board eighty musketeers and good
stores of ammunition, grenadoes, and stink-pots", with the intention of
attacking another small English privateer, which had come into that bay
to careen, but had gone away. At the first broadside from the _Dolphin_,
which carried only ten guns with a crew of sixty men, the Spaniards were
seized with a panic and ran from their quarters. While trying to rally
them Pardal was fatally wounded. Many of his men then leaped overboard
and "about forty came short home", or in other words were drowned or
killed. Five only were made prisoners. In the prize were found three
original commissions or letters-of-marque, two of which were sent at
once to Modyford. By him they were transmitted to London for the
information of Lord Arlington, with the remark "whereby your Lordship
will find him a person of great value amongst them and empowered to
carry the royal standard in the maintop; also the original canvas
challenge, which was nailed to a tree near the west point of this
island, whereby a guess of the man's vanity."[218]

Morgan had prudently planned to avoid the perils of navigating the
Caribbean sea in the dangerous hurricane season by keeping his fleet in
a well sheltered roadstead, but this expedient was not altogether
successful, as on the 7th of October, when usually the time for those
storms was "all over",[219] his ships, still only eleven in number, were
mauled by so fierce a gale that all of them with the single exception of
the _Satisfaction_, were driven ashore and much damaged. All but three
were soon got afloat and by great exertions again refitted. Morgan,
however, wrote in much anxiety to the governor stating that he had more
men than he had ship room for. Several merchant ships lying idle in Port
Royal were persuaded to join him. The confidence of the privateers in
general was soon raised to its height by the news that three ships of
the "Mompos" squadron had retrieved their reputation by sending two
hundred men up the river of Nicaragua, who had taken the city of Granada
with little loss and brought off plunder amounting to thirty or forty
pounds sterling for each man. Modyford described this notable exploit in
a letter to Lord Arlington with undisguised delight.

    "Six days since," he wrote, "arrived in port three privateers,
    Prince, Lubborough, [or Ludbury], and Harrison with 200 men, who
    went up the river of Nicaragua and attempted the fort, lately
    built to stop the incursions of the French, in which were 37
    men; the enemy killed 16 and wounded 18, but yielded on quarter
    for life only. This done, the Castellano told them he had sent
    advice of their coming four days before to Granada, whereupon
    Prince double-manned the swiftest canoe, which in three days'
    rowing overtook the advice. Leaving 20 men in the fort, they
    entered the town undiscovered, being but 120 men, and having by
    their usual wiles got the best of the town prisoners, plundered
    till noon, which they say yielded but 7 lbs. of silver and 12
    in money per head, which is nothing to what they had five years
    since, but the town is much decayed, and the principal men gone
    to Guatamala, as being more secure. I reproved the captains for
    daring to do this without permission, but not deeming it prudent
    to press the matter too far at this juncture, commanded them to
    attend the Admiral, which they were very ready to do, and will
    be gone in five days. One of these captains offered to make oath
    that he took a prisoner who told him that in September came
    advice from Old Spain, wherein the Governor was commanded to
    prosecute the war against this island, and much blamed for
    having done nothing all this time. The like letters were
    despatched to all the other Governors, by which your Lordship
    may have some aim at the violence of their intentions and the
    little force they have to execute them. Three days since came in
    a sloop from Campeachy with seven men, laden with logwood, the
    master told me he was chased by a frigate of 22 guns, and being
    forced to run into shoal water, the captain of the man-of-war in
    his longboat with 14 men attacked the sloop, but they killed him
    five men, and took himself and the rest at mercy; for the
    captain they got a good composition in linen and silks from the
    man-of-war, and dismissed him and the survivors. There are about
    a dozen vessels that ply only this trade, and make great profit
    in selling the wood at 25 or 30 per ton; they were privateers,
    but will not leave the trade again. They go to places either
    inhabited by Indians or void, and trespass not at all upon the
    Spaniard, and, if encouraged, the whole logwood trade will be
    English, and be very considerable to his Majesty, paying 5 per
    ton custom. I humbly offer that the governor of this place have
    instructions to permit vessels to go to such places to fetch
    thence logwood, cattle, deer, and other commodities. I am
    persuaded that above two-thirds of the privateers will betake
    themselves to this trade when there is peace with Spain, and
    these soldierly men will be kept within peaceable bounds, and be
    always ready to serve his Majesty on any new rupture. The places
    they now trade at are Cape Gracia Dios, Darien, Mosquito, and
    many deserted places in Campeachy, Cuba, and Hispaniola. I have
    formerly troubled the Lord General's despatch with these things
    but never had any answer. I beseech your Lordship seriously to
    consider this point, and believe that these sucking colonies
    must have some help besides the goodness of the soil."[220]

Yet he had been seriously disturbed by a persistent rumour that "Jamaica
was to be sold to the Spaniard, or at least there was a working to that
purpose", which perhaps had some foundation in the negotiations then in
progress.[221]

Late in October Morgan was joined at his anchorage by three French
ships with about two hundred men, and he began negotiations with four
hundred more belonging to the rebel faction at Tortuga, most of whom
proposed to remove to Jamaica after his campaign ended, and some sent
down their slaves with that intention. He reported that he then had
1,100 men, but that he did not expect to sail from his rendezvous before
the end of November. A report had reached him that Prince Rupert was
under orders to sail from England for the West Indies with twenty-five
ships and five thousand men, "either to force a trade, or to prosecute
the war, which the Spaniards have so insolently begun."

Writing from Morgan's flagship on this subject Surgeon-General Browne
aptly remarked: "No doubt this noble fleet would in a short time overrun
and conquer all these Indies, but without Admiral Morgan and his old
privateers, things cannot be as successful as expected; for they know
every creek, and the Spaniards' mode of fighting, and be a town ever so
well fortified, and the numbers never so unequal, if money or good
plunder be in the case, they will either win it manfully or die
courageously. . . . Admiral Morgan has been in the Indies 11 or 12
years, and from a private gentleman by his valour has raised himself to
what he now is, and no one can give so clear an account of the Spanish
force."[222]

Modyford sent the privateers, who had taken Granada, with five other
ships and at least four hundred men to join Morgan, by whom he believed
his force would be increased to not less than 2,100 "well seasoned and
experienced men".[223]

When this considerable reinforcement arrived at Isle  la Vache about
the middle of November, Morgan thought he had a sufficient force to
attempt the capture of Santiago de Cuba in accordance with his original
instructions. The prisoners taken in Pardal's ship were closely
questioned and further information was obtained from several Englishmen
who had escaped lately from captivity. The information obtained from
them did not favour an attack. Captain Richard Powell, in particular,
"who had not been above 20 daies from St. Jago, declared that the time
of the year being Winter, and [there] being but one landing-place, and
that strongly fortified, it was impossible for us to attempt that Place
without hazard of the whole Party, and the certain loss of most, if not
all our vessels, by foul weather; all the knowing Prisoners examined
affirming the same, upon which we abandoned that Design."[224] Morgan
might have added that the prospect of prize-money had not been
sufficiently alluring.

On November 20, Collier's small squadron returned from the Spanish Main,
having taken and kept possession for a month of the towns of Rio de la
Hacha and La Rancheria on the coast of a very fertile province of the
Tierra Firma, northeastward from Cartagena, from which a ransom of four
thousand bushels of Indian corn besides quantities of other provisions
had been extorted. A ship loaded with grain had been taken, and lastly,
to their extreme satisfaction, they had captured the _Galerdeene_ or
_Gallardena_, the privateer from Cartagena that had been engaged with
Pardal in ravaging the southern coast of Jamaica, with her entire crew
of thirty-eight persons.

This gave the admiral the much desired opportunity of gaining important
first-hand intelligence. The prisoners were closely interrogated
separately and the depositions made by two of "the sensiblest of them"
were taken down in writing.

Marcus de Cuba, the master pilot of the _Galerdeene_, stated under oath:

    "That he did see the People of Cartagena Listed and all in arms
    offensive against the English. And farther saith that several
    Spanish ships have had and now have Commissions from the
    President of Panama, named Don Juan Perez de Guzman, and that
    they have taken several Englishmen, and that the Spaniards have
    by the said President great incouragement against the Island of
    Jamaica, and the more by reason of a Fleet fitted out of old
    Spain for these parts under the Command and Conduct of one Don
    Alonso."

The deposition made by Lucas Perez, a seaman, declared:

    "That he did see the People at Cartagena, some of them in Arms,
    others Listing themselves; and two ships ready fitted against
    Jamaica, one with 18 and the other 12 guns; and also that the
    President of Panama hath granted several Commissions against the
    English, by vertue of which several English ships have been
    taken."

These statements, combined with other reports, gave Morgan the
information he most wanted, and were considered under his commission to
justify an immediate attack upon Cartagena or Panama. At first he seems
to have favoured an attempt upon Cartagena as the nearest and most
accessible objective.

Accordingly on December 2, he invited the commanders of all the ships,
thirty-seven in number, to meet on board his flagship, and asked their
advice as to "what place it was fittest to attain for His Majesties
Honour and the preservation of Jamaica and to put the greatest curb on
the Insolencies of the Enemy." After some inconclusive discussion the
question was referred to a committee, composed of Vice-Admiral Edward
Collier, Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bradley, and fourteen of the most
experienced captains, among whom were included the three who had lately
taken Granada, Robert Delander, John Morris, Richard Norman, Thomas
Rogers, Charles Swan, and two Frenchmen. They reported unanimously that
"it stands most for the good of Jamaica and the safety of us all to take
Panama, the President thereof having granted several Commissions against
the English, to the great annoyance of Jamaica and our merchantmen." No
mention was made of the prospect of making a sufficient "purchase" to
reward their efforts, which must have figured largely in their debate.

A second general meeting was then held, almost at once, to consider the
best means of conducting the expedition and for obtaining the necessary
guides and information, at which "it was voted that Providence, being
the King's antient property and the People there being sent from Panama,
no place could be more fit."[225]

On November 23 Morgan had sent off a message to inform the governor of
Collier's return and the result of his cruise. On December 3 he sent
another announcing that he was "under sail with thirty-six ships and
1,800 men, of whom two or three hundred were French", to make
discoveries of the enemy, having been informed by prisoners that "about
Cartagena, Puerto Bello, and Panama, soldiers were being listed against
the Galleons came, to be transported against this island; but that if
want of provisions or the just ends of his commission invited him on
shore, he would instantly despatch the _Betty_ sloop to advise of it."
No mention was made of the resolutions of the council held the day
before. A statement of the strength of his fleet in detail was
enclosed.[226] This account showed that it was composed of twenty-eight
English ships, with an aggregate tonnage of 1,120 tons, armed with 180
guns and carrying 1,320 men. His flagship, the _Satisfaction_, was much
the largest and best equipped, measuring 120 tons and having twenty-two
guns and a crew of 140. The _Prosperous_, a sloop of ten tons, having no
guns and a crew of only sixteen men, who must have had little enough
room, was the smallest. He had besides these one ship of eighty tons,
two ships of seventy, three of sixty, six of fifty, three of forty, one
ship of thirty, two ships of twenty-five, one ship of twenty, one of
eighteen, one of fifteen, and two ships of twelve tons. Under his
command, also, he had eight other ships manned by French seamen and
commanded by French officers, to whom he had issued commissions. One of
these officers had been put in command of the prize-ship, the
_Gallardena_. The largest French ship was the St. _Catharine_ of 100
tons, fourteen guns, and 110 men. The smallest was _Le Cerf_, a sloop of
twenty-five tons, two guns and forty men. In all they measured 465 tons
and carried fifty-nine guns and 530 men.[227] Morgan had succeeded
beyond all expectation in assembling, equipping, manning, and
provisioning the most formidable fleet of privateers that had ever acted
under one commander in the Caribbean.

His recent letters plainly caused the governor much anxiety and
searching of heart. He had lately received private information from
England, probably in letters from his son, announcing that Sir William
Godolphin had at last succeeded in concluding a new treaty with Spain,
on such favourable terms that it was likely to be ratified.

    "I had despatched to the Admiral before the first of these
    expresses arrived", he wrote in much perturbation to Lord
    Arlington, "a copy of the articles of peace with Spain,
    intimating that though I had them from private hands and no
    orders to call him in, yet I thought fit to let him see them,
    and to advise him to mind your Lordship's letter of the 10th of
    June and to do nothing that might prevent the accomplishment of
    his Majesties peaceable intentions; but the vessel returned with
    my letters, having missed him at his old rendezvous; however, I
    have returned her to the Main with strict instructions to find
    the Admiral out. Your Lordship cannot but be sensible how
    necessary a guard these men are to this infant island, who on
    notice of Jamaica's danger in less than four months ran together
    so considerable a body of men and ships. All the privateers of
    this port are now with the Admiral, except the logwood men, who
    are grown to the number of 20 small vessels, and are like daily
    to increase, and will be a good reserve on all accidents. The
    differences amongst our French neighbours still increase, which
    I hope to improve for his Majesties service, having had repeated
    applications from both parties."[228]

On September 20, shortly before the conclusion of the treaty with Spain
had become known in London, Charles Modyford had presented a petition to
the King in behalf of the governor, planters, and traders of Jamaica,
reciting the exertions made by his father to preserve peace with the
Spaniards until he felt obliged to proclaim war against them,
"whereupon all the privateers came in", and praying for precise
instructions, as the governor, it said, must necessarily persist in his
present course until the King ordered the contrary, in which case, he
requested that Sir William Godolphin should be instructed to have a
special article added to the treaty, whereby the King of Spain should
acknowledge that Jamaica belonged to the King of England, "for if the
privateers are ordered to be reduced and that omitted, it will
discourage all persons to trade or plant there, since the Spaniards have
raised and do at present raise men to attempt the Island."[229]

This petition was accompanied by a memorandum stating several reasons
"why privateers should not be wholly discontinued in the West Indies, it
being of great concernment and at present the security of the island of
Jamaica."

    "1. By the frequent intelligence which by means of privateering
    it hath of the King of Spain's fleet and of designs against the
    island, which if wanting, the islanders may grow secure and
    being set upon unawares, be easily overcome, for hunting upon
    which the privateers greatly depend, would be laid aside upon
    the north of Jamaica, where the Spaniards might easily land,
    fortify, and become impregnable, and the English lying in the
    midst of the King of Spain's dominions are so great an eyesore
    to them that they would be glad on any terms to get rid of such
    a neighbour.

    "2. What is gotten by the privateers is brought into Jamaica and
    assists the planters and encourages the merchants to come there.

    "3. It will appear but reasonable to have privateers, when it
    shall be considered how inhumanly treacherous and cruelly the
    Spaniards use the English there that fall into their hands,
    making them work like slaves, and forcing their shipping and
    goods from them, as will appear by the oaths of Roger Baker,
    commander of the _Leghorn Merchant_, Major Samuel Smith, late
    governor of Providence, Henry Wasey, commander of the _Concord_,
    and Francis Steward, herewith delivered.

    "4. Privateering 'tis feared cannot now well be reduced without
    great charge to his Majesty and much prejudice to the island;
    for Sir Thomas Modyford used his utmost endeavour to reduce
    them, but they went to Tortugas to the French, turned pirates,
    took English as well as Spaniards, who reaped no benefit, and
    the island lost above 1,000 men and 8 or 9 ships; so that it was
    much feared that had not his Majesty's letter to the Governor
    given timely encouragement to countenance them, the island might
    in the time of the late war have been lost by their joining with
    the French.

    "5. If there should be no men-of-war in the Indies, the
    Spaniards would undoubtedly attempt Jamaica, or at least take
    every ship sent from Jamaica to England."[230]

Negotiations with Spain had in fact been conducted for years without any
satisfactory result. The Earl of Sandwich had been appointed Envoy
Extraordinary to Madrid in 1666, with particular instructions to keep
the restitution of Jamaica and Tangier outside the discussion but to
urge most strongly a mutual agreement for free trade in the West Indies.
The Spanish prime minister on his part boldly demanded the restoration
of Jamaica, and his secretary often complained bitterly of the
depredations of the English privateers fitted out at that island.
Finally a compromise was arranged and a treaty of amity and commerce had
been signed on the 13th May, 1667, by which it was proposed to establish
a durable peace between the nations, and a provision was made in it for
the withdrawal of all letters-of-marque and reprisal by both. This
treaty was ratified and promulgated at Madrid on the 30th November,
1667. But on the 7th July, 1668, the Spanish government angrily made
fresh complaints against the governor of Jamaica for encouraging
"piracy, very grievous and barbarous, such as is not heard of among
Christian Nations", referring in particular to the capture of Puerto
Principe and Puerto Bello. Sandwich blithely promised redress after he
returned to England, and was given a copy of a letter to the governor of
the Phillipine islands instructing him to permit the ships of the East
India Company to obtain provisions and water in the ports under his
authority. This was considered an important concession. Sandwich
attended a meeting of the Privy Council on the 15th of January, 1669,
when the terms of the treaty were discussed. Statements were read which
proved that the Jamaican privateers had been very active in their
attacks upon Spanish commerce and colonies, and had been encouraged by
the governor, who was "armed with power to grant commissions to private
men-of-warr." It was even alleged that some part of the spoil had been
sent to his patrons in England, "whereof the Duke of Albemarle is said
to be the chiefest."

While Sandwich had been negotiating in Madrid, "this sweete trade of
privateering" had flourished greatly, and neither the Lord High Admiral
nor the Lord General had given much attention to his remonstrances.
Sandwich in fact asserted that the treaty was intended to be universal
in its application and that "by his own choice and dexterity" he had
induced the court of Spain to acknowledge the sovereignty of the King of
England over the island of Jamaica, in which he was entirely mistaken.
Some members of the Privy Council argued that the depredations and
reprisals of which the subjects of both nations had been equally guilty
for years were not sufficient cause for war, and that since "the
spacious days of Queen Elizabeth" English seamen had regarded the West
Indies and the Spanish Main as a fair field for private adventure, on
the principle "that where no commerce is, there is war." The decision
was finally made that Sir William Godolphin, who had been secretary to
Sandwich, should succeed him as ambassador, and be instructed to
negotiate a definitive treaty for the termination of all hostilities and
the adjustment of all disputes between the English and Spaniards in the
West Indies. The recent remarkable success of Morgan in taking Puerto
Bello, Maracaybo, and Gibraltar and his decisive defeat of Espinosa's
squadron were evidently considerable factors in disposing the Spanish
minister to assent to concessions, which had hitherto been obstinately
rejected. An agreement, significantly called "the treaty of America",
had been signed at Madrid on the 18th of July, 1670, in which
particular articles were embodied to establish and preserve peace in the
West Indies.

    "II. There shall be an universal peace and sincere friendship as
    well in America, as in other parts, between the Kings of Great
    Britain and Spain, their heirs and successors, their kingdoms,
    plantations, &c.

    "III. All hostilities, depredations, &c., shall cease between
    the subjects of the said Kings.

    "IV. The two Kings shall take care that their subjects forbear
    all acts of hostility, and shall call in all commissions,
    letters-of-marque and reprisal, and punish all offenders,
    obliging them to make reparation.

    "VII. All past injuries, on both sides, shall be buried in
    oblivion.

    "VIII. The King of Great Britain shall hold and enjoy all lands,
    countries, &c., he is now possessed of in America.

    "IX. The subjects on either side shall forbear trading or
    sailing to any places whatsoever under the dominion of the other
    without particular licence.

    "XIV. Particular offences shall be repaired in the common course
    of justice, and no reprisals made unless justice be denied, or
    unreasonably retarded."[231]

The terms of this treaty seemed so satisfactory that they were ratified
in London without hesitation or delay. Months must necessarily elapse
before it could be proclaimed and brought into effect in the West
Indies, and in the interval the situation became further complicated.

On December 6 Morgan moved westward with his whole fleet to Cape
Tiburon, where he remained two days taking in supplies. His hunting
parties had been unusually successful, and had prepared a great quantity
of _boucan_, or dried meat. The force at his disposal was much larger
and more varied in character than any he had commanded before. Leslie
probably did not exaggerate his reputation when he wrote that: "The name
of Morgan was now famous at home and terrible abroad. He himself
promised greater things than he had yet attempted; and nothing was
thought impossible for such Courage to perform."

Besides the entire body of Jamaican privateers, adventurers from all
parts of the West Indies had come eagerly to serve under him during the
three months he had remained at his appointed rendezvous. Some had come
from the Bahamas and even from Bermuda. He had been joined by many
genuine French _boucaniers_ from Tortuga and Hispaniola, who had
rebelled against d'Ogeron on account of his zealous efforts to sustain
the monopoly of trade granted to the "Compagnie des Indies". For the
greater part of the year these men were hunters who varied that
occupation by taking part in an occasional expedition as privateers or a
voyage as seamen to another island or to Europe.

A considerable band of these men who had marched quite across the island
of Hispaniola, enduring great fatigue and privation on the way, joined
the fleet at Cape Tiburon. A few mulattoes, negroes, and Indians were
engaged as fishermen, guides, and pilots.

Under the authority of the ninth article of his instructions, Morgan
issued commissions to some of his subordinates, who had received none
from the governor, granting them naval rank for service at sea, and
equivalent or superior military rank when employed on land. John Peake,
afterwards speaker of the Jamaican House of Assembly, acting as his
secretary, kept a diary of events, and most of the letters and reports
addressed by Morgan to the governor and signed by him were written by
Peake.

Before sailing again the captains and other officers were assembled and
required to sign formal articles of agreement respecting the division of
prize-money. Under the Rules of the Admiralty the King was entitled to
one fifteenth and his brother, the Duke of York, as Lord High Admiral,
to one tenth of all captures. The agreement then made stipulated that
the Admiral should receive one per cent. Each shipmaster was to receive
eight shares for the use of his ship, besides his individual share. The
surgeon was allowed two hundred pieces of eight for his medicine chest.
Each carpenter was to receive one hundred pieces of eight for the use of
his chest of tools. Recompenses for wounds or injuries, and rewards for
good conduct and bravery, were settled on a much higher scale than on
former expeditions. Compensation for the loss of both arms was fixed at
eighteen slaves or eighteen hundred pieces of eight. The loss of both
legs was to be compensated by the award of fifteen slaves or fifteen
hundred pieces of eight, at the option of the injured person. For the
loss of one arm or hand or one leg, six hundred pieces of eight or six
slaves were to be paid, and for the loss of an eye one hundred pieces of
eight or one slave. A reward of fifty pieces of eight was promised to
anyone who should be first to enter any castle, fort, or battery held by
the enemy, or haul down a Spanish flag and raise the English colours in
its place. The crew of any vessel, who attacked and took a Spanish ship
without assistance, was to be entitled to a tenth of its value as a
special reward. The preamble to this document provided that all these
extraordinary salaries, recompenses, or rewards should be paid out of
the first prize or "purchase" taken by the fleet "according as everyone
should then occur to be either rewarded or paid."[232]

Having taken on board a good supply of oranges and other fresh fruit as
a precaution against scurvy, and made sure that the hulls of all his
ships had been newly scraped and tallowed to ensure a rapid voyage,
Morgan sailed from Cape Tiburon, and the trade wind bore his fleet
swiftly on its southwesterly course across the Caribbean past Jamaica.
Providence was sighted on the sixth day, December 14.

Bradley and some other veterans were familiar with the difficulties and
perils of the channels, which had few terrors for them. Two small ships
were left to watch the entrance to the lesser port and prevent the
escape of anyone to the mainland in the night. All the other vessels
were carefully piloted through the narrow, winding passage and came
safely to anchor in Agua Grande, the great harbour.

Providence had been well fortified by the Spaniards, but was weakly
garrisoned. Their colony had a population of four hundred and fifty
persons, but only ninety of them were soldiers and many were
slaves.[233] A canal had been cut by them through the narrow neck of
land connecting the island with a peninsula at its northern extremity,
forming a deep moat, which had been widened by the action of the waves.
This smaller island had been converted into a citadel by the
construction of ten redoubts or batteries at its most accessible points.
Fort San Geronimo, a walled redoubt, armed with eight guns, commanded
the entrance to a smaller harbour between the two islands. Near it was
the battery of San Mateo, formed of gabions filled with earth, and
mounting three guns. The principal fortification or strong point, called
the castle of Santa Teresa, was built on a peak of rock near the centre
of this island, which was less than five miles in circumference. It
dominated all neighbouring ground and was composed of four massive stone
bastions, armed with twenty guns, and surrounded by a deep dry ditch,
over which the only approach was by a drawbridge. The other redoubts,
defending all practicable landing places, were La Concepcion, Nuestra
Senora de Guadalupe, San Salvador, and Los Canoneros, each armed with
two guns; San Augustin and Santa Cruz, each mounting three guns, and San
Juan having six guns and a stone parapet.[234] These extensive works
naturally required a much larger garrison for their successful defence.

In the afternoon nearly a thousand men were landed in Manchineal bay,
and the Spaniards abandoned a four-gun battery on the main island.
Morgan took command of this force and advanced in pursuit. Some
Englishmen, who had been in Major Smith's garrison and had been
liberated from the dungeons of Puerto Bello, acted as guides in this
movement. At nightfall they arrived at the governor's house and found
that he had retired with the whole population to the smaller island and
removed the drawbridge.

[Illustration: Old Providence    _See p. 166_]

After midnight a heavy rainstorm broke over the unsheltered bivouac with
tropical violence, and before it ceased the men were standing ankle deep
in water in their efforts to protect their ammunition. When day broke
and scouting parties approached the canal the Spanish guns opened fire.
The weather cleared, and Morgan sent a flag of truce to summon the
governor to surrender, with the usual threat of no quarter in case of an
assault. Two Spanish officers came over to propose a capitulation on
honourable terms. It is stated that they stipulated that to save their
honour without bloodshed on either side a heavy fire should be begun
with blank cartridges and men embarked in boats to effect a
landing.[235] Morgan's official report simply related that the governor
"willingly submitted that he might have good Quarter and Transportation
to any part of the Main, which was granted and duly performed." While
awaiting this removal the Spanish women and children were confined in
the church under guard to protect them from insult or injury. The only
property of value taken, besides seventy slaves with their children, who
were as a matter of course considered a lawful prize, were thirty
thousand pounds of gunpowder and public stores valued at 500 in which
the artillery does not appear to have been included.

"Four of his Souldiers took up Arms with us," Morgan wrote, "and by them
understanding that the Castle of Changra blocked our way, the Admiral
called a Council of all the chief Captains; and forthwith there was
dispatched 470 men in 3 ships under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Bradley."[236]

The rest of the fleet remained in the port of Providence, and the seamen
were busily employed for a time in embarking the captured munitions and
dismantling the smaller fortifications. The prisoners were sent off, and
considerable garrisons were placed in Forts San Geronimo and Santa
Teresa, with the intention of maintaining possession of the island.

Bradley sailed on December 18, but being much delayed by adverse winds,
did not arrive in sight of Chagres until the 26th. His ships were
observed from the fort as they approached and its heaviest guns began
firing, without causing any damage as Bradley bore away and anchored at
night in a small harbour three miles distant.

The President of Panama, Don Juan Perez de Guzman, had already received
a message from the governor of Cartagena, sent by way of Darien, warning
him that information had been received that the English from Jamaica,
assisted by the French, were preparing to attack either Cartagena or
Panama with three thousand men. Guzman at once reinforced the garrison
of Puerto Bello with two hundred men and sent one hundred and fifty to
reinforce the garrison of San Lorenzo de Chagres. The Castellano, Don
Francisco de Saludo, was ordered to fortify strong points on the river
and garrison them. The secretary of the Audiencia and other trusted
officials were consulted, and reported that the castle of Chagres and
other fortifications on that river were unassailable. Don Pedro de
Lisardo, governor of Chagres, had repeatedly declared in his letters
that no fears need be entertained for the safety of that place, "for
that although six thousand men should come against them, he should with
the Fortifications and Men he had, be able to secure himself and destroy
them."[237]

The castle of San Lorenzo de Chagres was, in fact, strong enough to
inspire the utmost confidence. It stood on the summit of a high cliff,
which is still crowned by its ruins, on the east bank of the river,
commanding the only navigable entrance to the harbour. The southern face
of this rock was a sheer precipice, absolutely unscaleable. On its
northern side, the river, which there is deep and wide, ran close below.
At the foot of this rocky hill a strong walled redoubt, armed with six
heavy guns, and two lesser batteries, having six guns each, on terraces
above, completely commanded the channel. The castle or fort itself was
formed of six bastions, four facing the land and the river and two
fronting the sea, all mounting the heaviest artillery of the time. They
were composed of a double row of palisades, filled in with earth and
stone, making walls of "great Thickness and Strength". The hill on which
the castle stood was separated from another bare rocky height by a broad
ravine thirty feet deep, over which a drawbridge formed the only means
of access to its main gate. Being a little lower all parts of this hill
were open to view from the bastions above. Successive flights of stairs
hewn in the face of the rock connected the water-batteries with two
large storehouses built close under the walls on that side. Some
distance up the river, sheltered by high land in a slight bend of the
stream, lay the little port of Chagres, "very fit for small vessels",
where they could anchor in seven or eight fathoms of water secure from
every wind. Stretching nearly across the mouth of the stream was a reef
of jagged rocks, visible only at low tide, on which the surf beat
incessantly. Only in the calmest weather could the narrow navigable
channel be discovered by an unpractised eye, leading close beneath the
frowning crag.

The garrison of the fort then consisted of three hundred and fourteen
regular soldiers and a small band of Indian bowmen, enlisted as scouts
and messengers. The prospect of taking the place by surprise was
hopeless, as the approach of the English ships had been discovered and
the commandant was known to be a very brave and experienced officer,
confident of the strength of his post.

From the information he had obtained Bradley formed the opinion that the
castle could only be attacked with some prospect of success on the land
side. Leaving his ships out of sight with a small guard to protect them,
he landed four hundred men on the morning of December 27, and fought his
way through dense thickets and over rocks until at two o'clock in the
afternoon he gained the bald crest of the hill below the main gate, and
found that the drawbridge over the ravine had been removed. Although
this was the hottest and drowsiest hour of the day the Spanish sentries
were alert. A brisk fire was at once begun upon the invaders,
accompanied with a storm of maledictions and insulting words. Several of
them were wounded and the others were forced to retire and seek cover.

    "These Circumstances added to the natural and artificial
    Strength of the Castle," one of them wrote, "and the Necessity
    of making the Attack on ye Side, dispirited us extremely, and
    left us small hopes of Success. We here debated whether we
    should persue or forsake our Enterprise, but the Thoughts of
    Disgrace, and of being reproached by our Friends on board,
    prevailed over all Objections, and made us disregard even Life
    itself."[238]

The attack was resumed and the assailants slowly worked their way into
the ravine and up the opposite slope keeping up a deliberate and not
ineffective fire at the loopholes and embrasures in the bastion. At the
same time they tried to set the gate and palisades on fire with
improvised fire-balls and hand-grenades. This contest was kept up until
dark, and renewed at intervals during the night. The Spaniards resisted
resolutely and asserted that six separate attacks were repelled, as they
supposed, with considerable loss.

    "We advanced to the Castle with our Swords in one hand, and
    Fire-balls in the other," continued the writer already quoted,
    "while the Spaniards poured both their great and small Shot upon
    us, bidding us defiance, and calling us English Dogs, Enemies to
    God and their King. Having in vain attempted to scale the Walls,
    we were forced to retreat."

Bradley himself was disabled by a cannon-shot, which frightfully mangled
both legs. Some other officers were killed or wounded in these fruitless
efforts. Yet their men returned undauntedly to the assault, again
bombarding the walls with fire-balls. At length flames were seen to
break out within, which spread rapidly and encouraged them to increase
their exertions until the heat became so intense as to drive them back.
How the fire started is uncertain. Morgan attributed it to "the playing
of their hand-grenades", which by good fortune set a guard-house that
stood upon the walls on fire.

Another account, which has been generally accepted, makes it the result
of a random shot which took effect within.

    "One of our Men being shot in the Back with an Arrow," wrote a
    professed participant, "which pierced his Body, instantly pulled
    it out at his Breast, and wrapping some Cotton about it, shot it
    back into the Fort, the Cotton kindling in the Discharge, and
    the Arrow falling upon a House thatched with Palm Leaves, set
    them on Fire, which meeting with a heap of Gunpowder before it
    was perceived, blew it up, to the no small Surprise of the
    Besieged. As they wanted Water, they were more busied and
    perplexed in extinguishing it, and we taking the Advantage, set
    Fire to the Palisades in several Places at once, so that the
    Spaniards now saw themselves surrounded by Flames. As the Pales
    consumed, the Earth fell into the Ditch and made several
    Breaches."[239]

A part of the palisades was burned through by midnight, and English
marksmen then crept close to the breaches thus made in the walls and
fired at the men within, who were struggling desperately to quench the
fire. When day broke these breaches were seen to be much enlarged in
several places, and the ditch was partly filled up with the earth and
blazing fragments of timber that had fallen into it. The Spanish
commandant brought forward every man at his disposal and placed guns in
positions to rake these breaches with their fire. The garrison held
their ground stubbornly, and often repelled their assailants by hurling
among them bombs and "Stink-pots filled with combustible Matter." The
contest went on fiercely until noon, when a storming party forced an
entrance at the breach which had been defended so bravely by Lisardo
himself with twenty-five resolute men. When the English came in roaring
furiously, cutlass and pistol in hand, in the most appalling manner,
many of the Spaniards became panic-stricken and fled before them, some
even throwing themselves over the ramparts on the rocks below instead of
meeting them. The commandant retired into the citadel and still
continued to fight gallantly, refusing all invitations to surrender
until he was shot down. About thirty of his men were made prisoners, of
whom not more than ten were unwounded. Not a single Spanish officer was
taken alive.

Morgan reported briefly that the fire caused a "breach where our men
courageously stormed and the enemy as bravely defended it to the last
man, refusing quarter, which cost them the lives of 360 men, and of our
side was lost thirty outright, one Captain and one Lieutenant, and
seventy-six wounded, whereof the brave Bradley was one, with two
Lieutenants, who died within ten daies after of their wounds, to the
great grief of myself and all in general."[240]

In the harbour four small armed ships and several sloops or _chatas_,
used for transporting goods to other ports, were taken. But the victory
had not been won cheaply.

A very few men from the garrison had escaped and carried the dismaying
and scarcely credible account of the capture of a fortress deemed almost
impregnable to the President of Panama.

    "The English," Guzman wrote in an official report, "taking
    advantage of the night and Aids of their Fire-balls set on fire
    the Fortifications, because the outside were of wood. They
    likewise burnt the Castellan's or Governor's house being
    thatched with Palm and consumed all the good Arms within. There
    was killed above half the People, the Lieutenant also and the
    Castellan, who all had behaved themselves with great Valour, and
    had it not been for the Fire, the Enemy had never gained
    it."[241]

After completing his arrangements for retaining possession of Providence
as a dependency of Jamaica, Morgan sailed from that island with the
remainder of his fleet and arrived off Chagres on the second day of
January, 1671, when the English flag was seen flying over the castle.
But being informed that "the Enemy lay with Forces to endeavour retaking
the castle", he hastily and imprudently attempted to enter the river
without a pilot. His own ship and four others ran aground on the
jagged, wave-worn, hidden reef, where they were eventually battered to
pieces. All their crews, except ten men, and most of their guns and
equipment were saved with much labour. Warned by this disaster the other
ships, by carefully sounding, found the navigable channel.

Colonel Joseph Bradley died from his wounds a few days later, and Morgan
was deprived of the support of one of his most experienced and trusted
officers. A message had been sent to Jamaica, giving an account of the
plan of campaign which had been recommended by the councils of officers
and adopted. A reply was received from the governor, in which Morgan
afterwards remarked that "he gave no countermand at all." These letters
have disappeared or have been destroyed. Their exact contents are not
known. Colonel Bledry Morgan, probably a relative of the Admiral,
arrived in the sloop that had brought Modyford's answer. After a
consultation with him, the preparations for an immediate advance upon
Panama were completed.

The objective of the expedition certainly was then publicly known in
Jamaica. A newsletter published in England under date of the 23rd of
February, 1671, related that "letters from Jamaica of January 10, stated
that fourteen days before the fleet under Admiral Morgan, as they called
him, consisting of thirty English, French, &c., parted from the Isle of
Ash, on the north of St. Domingo, intending to go to the River Chagre to
leeward of Porto Bello, to take the castle there, and afterwards to go
up the river or lake which will carry them within thirty leagues of
Panama which they intend to plunder."[242]

The prisoners and captured slaves had been kept at work repairing the
damaged fortifications and buildings. Seven ships of light draught were
specially fitted for the ascent of the river, besides several
flat-bottomed boats taken in the port. Information had been obtained
that a numerous force had been assembled to oppose their advance and
that breastworks were being constructed at six portages, where they must
land to surmount the rapids.

Three hundred men, commanded by Major Richard Norman, were detailed as a
garrison for the fort, and a guard for the ships left behind. They were
naturally those who were least able to endure the hardships of a
wearisome march, the exhausting labour of rowing or towing boats, and
carrying the needful supplies of food and ammunition over rough paths in
enervating heat and privation.

On January 8, the flotilla of seven small sloops and thirty-six
river-boats and canoes, transporting fourteen hundred persons, began the
arduous ascent of the river, which was then very low from prolonged dry
weather. A few light cannon and a large supply of munitions were
embarked, but the stock of provisions was reduced to a minimum to make
the task of passing the many rapids and shallows as easy as possible.
Morgan believed that fresh supplies could be obtained from plantations
and Indian villages on the way. Boats usually were able to go up the
river as far as Venta de Cruz, said to be only a long day's march over a
fairly good road from the city of Panama. Under the most favourable
conditions the whole journey might be made in five or six days. Venta de
Cruz, Quebrada, Ballano and three other portages were reported to be
fortified for defence. An advance of eighteen miles was made the first
day as the current was gentle. The flotilla halted for the night at a
fork in the stream, where there were several small plantations. Foraging
parties were sent to them with slight success, as most of the crop had
been carried off or destroyed. Next day their progress became slow and
tiresome as many rapids and shoals were encountered, and they were
tortured by swarms of stinging flies and mosquitoes. The second night
was passed near a plantation and wayside shrine, called El Cruz de Juan
Gallego. On the third and fourth days, the ascent of the river hourly
grew more difficult and laborious as the water steadily became shallower
and the number of rapids increased, forcing them to land or wade in the
stream and haul their boats or even carry them around. At length, on
January 12, they came in sight of the first stockade built by the
Spaniards at a bend in the river. It had been lately abandoned by its
garrison and was still in flames. Here the water had become so shallow
that Morgan decided to leave all his sloops and largest boats and canoes
under a guard of two hundred men, commanded by Captain Richard Delander,
and march with the remainder through the "wild woods where there was no
path for twenty-four miles but what they cut." None even of the lightest
guns could be taken with them, as all their ammunition and provisions
had to be carried on their backs. His original force of more than
eighteen hundred had then been diminished by losses and detachments by
at least one-third. The perils confronting them were enough to daunt the
boldest heart, but Morgan appeared constantly cheerful, confident, and
undiscouraged.

When a few fugitives, frantic with fear, had brought the astounding
tidings of the storming of the castle of San Lorenzo and the merciless
slaughter of its defenders to the outposts along the river, civilians
and soldiers alike were amazed and terror-stricken. Learning from
reports of his scouts that the English, two thousand strong, they said,
were advancing up the river, Tiris de Castillo, the captain of the
"mulattas", who had been ordered by the Castellan Saludo to maintain a
redoubt at a place called Cerro Colorado, after consulting his officers
in a council, without any order or authority from his chief, set the
buildings on fire and hurriedly retired to Barbacoa. Saludo, who was
there, also became infected with the panic, and retreated with his whole
force to Venta de Cruz, at the head of canoe navigation on the Rio de
Chagres in the season of high water, and the end of the road from
Panama, leaving Morgan's advance through the tangled forest entirely
unopposed.

Soon after the account of the capture of the castle of Chagres had been
received at Panama, two mestizos, known as the "Sollices", and a negro
from Vregon, had boastfully offered to retake it with only a hundred
men, or if they failed, "so to disorder the Enemy in case they should
attempt to come up the river as to hinder them." The governor eagerly
accepted their proposal and gave them the command of two hundred and
fifty chosen men to carry it out. At the same time he sent Gil de la
Torre, an officer of good repute, to command the fort at Santos. He was
greatly disappointed by the ill conduct of the Sollices, "who meeting
the Enemy on the River, neither durst they stay to fight them as they
might have done, nor did they pass on to regain the Castle of Chagres;
But rather went round by the Mountain and came out at Capira, after
which they all dispersed without doing any good at all."[243]

Guzman stated that he was then in very ill health, "having had the
misfortune to have been lately Blooded three times for an Erysipelas in
his right leg." In spite of his physical weakness he rose from his bed
and marched with the remainder of the soldiers he had assembled for the
defence of Panama, a few miles forward to Guiabal. There he halted,
fearing that the English might move around his flank by way of Arelva
and Puerto de Naos, and take the city in his absence, if he advanced
much further. He stated that he then had under his command only eight
hundred soldiers, besides three hundred negroes, who were servants or
slaves of the planters. From Guiabal he sent forward three hundred men
to reinforce Saludo at Venta de Cruz. Among these were one hundred
Indians from Darien under their own chiefs. "Of these," he wrote, "I had
greater Credit and Opinion than of any others, yet had not these the
Courage to perform anything."[244]

On leaving his sloops and boats, Morgan had given the strictest orders
that none of the men guarding them should be permitted to go on shore on
any pretext, and that every precaution should be taken to avert
surprise. Equally strict orders were given for the security of the
marching column, which was accompanied by several light canoes on the
river, keeping pace with its advanced guard, this being preceded by a
working party of thirty men with cutlasses, employed in clearing the
way, who were frequently relieved by others. Suffering much from the
humid, stifling heat and the tormenting attacks of countless numbers of
garrapatos or ticks, that infested the vegetation, as well as clouds of
small flies and mosquitoes, they made their way painfully and slowly
through the woods. Their movements were watched by unseen Indian spies,
who carried intelligence of their advance to the nearest Spanish outpost
many hours before their appearance near it. At intervals of a few miles
breastworks or barricades on the river bank were discovered, stealthily
approached, and finally carried with a rush, only to find them deserted
and usually on fire. The abandoned huts were greedily searched for food,
but seldom with success, as great care had been taken to carry off or
destroy everything eatable.

In this trying march officers and men marched together, were armed alike
with muskets, cutlasses, and pistols, and bore the same burdens of
ammunition, blankets, and provisions.

About noon on the fifth day after leaving Chagres they took possession
of the fort and straggling cluster of wattled cabins, forming the
village of Barbacoa, where now stands a station on the Isthmian railway.
Some men had already fallen sick on the march; others were completely
exhausted by heat and fatigue. They were embarked in the canoes to be
sent back unless they speedily recovered their strength. Many had
improvidently finished their scanty rations and were seen stolidly
chewing bits of hide or leather or handfuls of leaves, to allay the
pangs of hunger. The few huts that had escaped destruction were deserted
and empty of food and furniture; the plantations had been swept bare of
all crops. After a close search a cave was found in which had been
hidden two sacks of meal, a few bunches of plantains, a small quantity
of grain, and two large jars of wine. This windfall was at once strictly
reserved by Morgan for the relief of the sick or feeble, thereby
probably saving some lives, but at the same time increasing the
discontent of grumblers, who were already blaming him for leading them
on a fool's errand into a wilderness, where they seemed destined to
perish with starvation, and had even threatened to turn back. Yet after
a short rest the march was resumed "with greater courage than ever," and
continued until dark, when they lay down in a rifled bean field, where a
few stray pods were still to be found.

On the sixth day the sufferings of many from hunger had grown much more
acute, when fortunately a foraging party found a storeshed on an
abandoned plantation filled with ears of maize. The quantity was
sufficient to give a fair allowance to everybody. It was equally divided
and they marched onward in high spirits.

Before moving off on the morning of January 14, an unusually strong
"forlorn" or advanced guard of two hundred picked men was formed under
the command of Captain Thomas Rogers, lately master of the privateer
_Gift_, as an encounter with the enemy was then expected. Late in the
afternoon, when this body began to pass through a narrow gorge,
significantly named _Quebrada Obscura_, overlooked by precipitous cliffs
on both sides, where the path was so narrow that no more than three men
could walk abreast, a shower of arrows suddenly fell among them and
great rocks were tumbled down. This attack was premature and ineffectual
as only three men were slightly wounded, but some delay and confusion
were caused. Presently half-naked men were seen gliding about among the
crags and trees above, and another flight of arrows dropped harmlessly
about as if coming from the sky. These assailants were probably those
Indians from Darien, in whom Guzman had placed so much reliance. Their
number was magnified by the imagination of one of Morgan's party to a
thousand men, but was actually not one-fifth as many. The place of this
ambush was well chosen, as a handful of men might hold back an army in
that difficult pass, and just beyond it lay a dense dark forest, which
might conceal an overwhelming force.

After a short halt the "forlorn" pushed resolutely on, firing as they
advanced. A chief or "Prince of the Indians", who was distinguished from
his companions by a noticeable headdress of brightly coloured feathers,
fell to the ground so badly wounded that he was unable to escape. On
being approached and invited to surrender, he replied by a vicious
thrust with a javelin and was at once shot dead. The other Indians were
quickly driven off with some loss, vaguely estimated at thirty killed
and wounded. Much to Morgan's disappointment no prisoners were taken.
After passing safely through this defile and the adjacent woods, a halt
was made for the night within two miles of Venta de Cruz, the Inn of the
Cross, where an obstinate resistance was expected.[245]

A few Indians were seen on the other side of the river, which induced
Morgan to send a small party across for the capture of some prisoners.
This attempt failed, for the Indians, as soon as they came near,
discharged their arrows and ran swiftly away, yelling defiantly: "Ha!
perros! a la savana! a la savana!" As they were fleet of foot and
lightly equipped, pursuit was useless. Their invitation to follow them
to the savanna of plain of Panama was thought to be significant.

    "January 15th", Morgan's concise narrative reads, "we arrived at
    Venta Cruces, which is a very fine village and the place where
    they land and embarque all the goods that comes from and goes to
    Panama, where we thought we might be relieved, having marched
    three daies without victuals, but it was as the rest all on
    Fire, and they fled."

The only buildings not given to the flames were the substantial and
spacious stone stables and storehouses, owned by the King of Spain,
which, however, had been swept clean of all animals and supplies. No
living thing was seen except a few starving dogs, who were soon hunted
down and killed for food by the hungry men. A single sack of bread and
fifteen or more large jars of Peruvian wine were at length discovered.
Many men, who drank to excess of this wine, became violently ill and
"thought themselves irrecoverably lost", believing it to be poisoned.
Their sickness caused a compulsory halt until the following morning,
when all were found to have recovered. All the men in good health on the
canoes were ordered on shore to join the marching column, and the sick
were instructed to go with them down the river to a place called Bueno
Cedro (where some of the flat-bottomed boats known as _chatas_, taken at
Chagres, had been left behind), and establish a guard and post of
communication. One canoe was retained and hidden at Venta de Cruz for
use as an advice boat.

In the afternoon a small party of men, who had wandered into a
neighbouring plantation, was surprised by Indians and Spaniards, who
carried off one of them as a prisoner. Stringent orders were then given
that no detachment of less than one hundred men was to be allowed to
leave the camp for any purpose. Morgan and his chief officers very well
knew that their success and in fact their lives depended on the
enforcement of strict discipline in camp as well as on the march.

Next morning an advanced guard was again composed of two hundred of the
most active and experienced soldiers, who marched with muskets charged
and matches burning, and were preceded by groups of scouts, and a
working party with _machetes_ to clear the road. The King's Highway had
been paved with cobble stones, but it wound in many places through
thickets and across ravines that afforded many opportunities for
opposition, which were seldom neglected.

    "The enemy constantly galling us with Ambuscades and small
    Parties," Morgan wrote, "and we still beating of them for a
    League together, although they had all the advantage that could
    be of use, the way being so narrow that we could not but march
    four abreast, and such a deep hollow that the enemy lay over our
    heads."

By noon they had forced their passage in this manner to the edge of the
great savanna, with the loss of only three men killed and six or seven
wounded and having killed, as they supposed, about twenty of their
opponents and wounded many more. Yet the Indians still hung persistently
on their flanks, or fled before them with taunting cries of: "Ha!
perros! a la savana! a la savana!"

Morgan continued his advance for about three miles over the open plain
until he came to some rude herdsmen's shelters, which the enemy had
neglected to destroy, although they had burned every other building
within sight. There he halted to rest and refresh his men, and thanked
them heartily "for the daies service". Before dark a fierce storm of
rain and wind came on, which continued far into the night, adding
greatly to their discomfort, as the huts had been prudently reserved for
the shelter of the sick and wounded and protection of the ammunition.

Orders were given to begin the march at daybreak, "while the fresh air
of the morning lasted", as their advance must be made over a bare plain,
where there was no shade from the pitiless rays of the tropical sun. The
precaution was taken to discharge and reload their muskets. Before they
had gone far a troop of horsemen armed with glittering lances was seen
far ahead, evidently watching their movements at a safe distance, and
retiring as they approached. About noon on this, the ninth day after
leaving Chagres, Morgan's advance guard climbed to the summit of the
lofty hill, still known as "El Cerro de los buccaneros", and saw in the
distance for the first time the tall towers of the city of Panama and
the blue water of the South Sea. The gale had blown over, the sky was
again clear, and the white sails of ships could be faintly discerned,
gliding among the green islands of that lovely bay.

    "This sight", wrote Leslie, "inspired them with a mad and
    singular kind of Joy. They shouted, hallooed, tossed up their
    Hats in the Air and leaped like men deprived of the use of
    Reason, all the Trumpets were sounded and every Drum was beat,
    as a Proof of that Joy and Satisfaction, which reigned in every
    Breast."[246]

Beneath them and near at hand on the broad green plain were large herds
of cattle and horses peacefully grazing and unsuspicious of danger.
Seeing these Morgan commanded a halt, and enough of these animals were
soon shot to feed his whole force abundantly. And there they built fires
and cooked the meat, feasted and rested until four o'clock, when the
trumpets again sounded and the march was resumed. An hour later they
"came in sight of the enemy, where he lay in Battaglia with 2,100 Foot
and 600 Horse, but finding the day far spent", Morgan wrote, "we thought
it not fit to engage, but took up our Quarters within three miles of
them, where we lay very quiet, not being so much as once alarm'd."[247]

The panic that had seized the people of Panama, when they were informed
that the castle of Chagres had been taken and its garrison almost
annihilated, increased day by day as they were told that their dreaded
enemies were approaching their city. Divine intervention was fervently
implored to save them from an attack.

    "The Images of the Pure and Immaculate Conception ever since the
    day of the Fight at Chagres Castle, had been carried out in
    general Procession," Guzman reported, "attended by all the
    Religious and the Fraternity of St. Francis, that of the Nuns of
    our Lady of Rosario, those of San Domingo, and those of the
    Mercedes, together with all the Saints and Patrons of the
    Religious. And always the Most Holy Sacrament in all Churches
    was uncovered and exposed to publick view. Masses were
    constantly said for my happy success. I parted with all my
    Jewels and Relics, collected in my Pilgrimage, presenting them
    to the aforesaid Images, Saints, and Patrons."[248]

After Guzman had remained a day at Guiabal and his men were all well
rested, a negro captain named Prado came in from scouting and reported
that the English were advancing, two thousand strong. This information
alarmed his troops so much that they begged their commander to return at
once to Panama, assuring him that they would defend that city to the
last. Guzman declared that he positively refused to consent, "it being
impossible then to fortifie it, it having many entrances, and the Houses
all built of wood, so soon as the Enemy should once make a breach, we
should quickly be exposed to their fury, and forced miserably to shift
for ourselves."[249]

But during the night his men deserted in large parties, and when morning
came he found that two-thirds of them had gone off. He then felt obliged
to retire to Panama with the remainder and try to persuade them to
defend the city, having no alternative.

     "I arrived on Saturday night at Panama," he wrote, "and Sunday
     morning went to the great Church, where having received the Holy
     Communion before our Blessed Lady of the Immaculate Conception,
     with great Devotion, I went to the principal guard, and to all that
     were present I expressed myself to this effect: 'That all those who
     were true Catholics, Defenders of the Faith, and Devotos of our
     Lady of the Pure and Immaculate Conception, should follow my
     Person, being that same day at four o'clock in the afternoon,
     resolved to march out to seek the Enemy and with this caution that
     he that should refuse to do it, should be held for Infamous and a
     Coward, basely slighting so precise an Obligation.'

     "All proffered me their assistance except those that had slunk from
     me at Guiabal; and when I had drawn them up in order I carried the
     chief of them to the great Church, where in the presence of our
     Lady of the Pure and Immaculate Conception, I made an Oath to die
     in her Defence, And I gave her a Diamond Ring of the value of four
     thousand pieces of eight, in token of compliance with my word and
     heartily invoked her aid. And all present made the same Oath with
     much fervour.

     "After this I marched with my Army about a League from Panama,
     having with me three Field Pieces, covered with leather and
     charged. And from that place, I ordered another Party with two
     other Guns, of the men which came from the River, being above three
     hundred, to advance towards the Enemy, which neither did any good.

     "This body of men which I had thus brought with me, was composed of
     two sorts, valiant military men and fainthearted cowards; Many of
     them having all their estates and pay due them left in the Castle
     of Chagres and Puerto Velo, and a great part of my men were
     Negroes, Mulattos, and Indians to the number of about twelve
     hundred, besides about three hundred more belonging to the
     Assiento. Our firearms were few and bad in comparison with those
     the Enemy brought. For ours were Carbines, Harquebusses, and
     Fowling pieces, but few muskets for they likewise had been left in
     Puerto Velo and Chagres. Now having formed the Army into two double
     Squadrons, and the Cavalry, which were two hundred, mounted on the
     same tired Horses which had brought them thither, and with two
     great Herds of Oxen and Bulls, drove thither by fifty Cowkeepers on
     purpose to disorder the Enemy. The Army all appeared brisk and
     courageous, desiring nothing more than to engage, nor wanted there
     anything more of Regalo[250] to infuse spirit into them. So that it
     seemed to me by what I saw, and what they told me, that they would
     be able to charge the Enemy like Lightning."[251]

Morgan roused his force two hours before daybreak, fearing that some
attempt might be made to surprise his weary men at that drowsy time of
night. In fact, at sunrise the whole body of Spanish cavalry rode close
to his camp, apparently with some such intention. Finding the English
already stirring and on the alert, they contented themselves with
brandishing their swords and lances and shouting the usual insulting
cries, after which they rode away, leaving videttes to observe their
enemy's movements. After a hearty breakfast had been prepared and eaten,
Morgan gave explicit orders for the formation of his whole force, in
order of battle, giving the command of its divisions to his most trusted
officers, three of whom had been his comrades in former expeditions. It
did not then much exceed twelve hundred of all ranks, and was divided
into four nearly equal bodies or small brigades.

When this was accomplished, he stated, "they were drawn [up] in the form
of a Tertia; the Vant Guard was led by Lieutenant Colonel Lawrence
Prince and Major John Morris, they being in number 300 men; the main
[body] containing 600; the Right wing was led by the General, and the
left by Colonel Edward Collier; the rearward of 300 was commanded by
Colonel Bledry Morgan."[252]

Having carefully inspected every division of his men to ascertain that
they were ready to move, Morgan encouraged them by a short but very
confident speech, promising a complete and easy victory, if they kept
well together and obeyed the orders which would be given them.

He had then discovered by a personal reconnaissance that the Spaniards
had occupied an advantageous position, with their cannon in front of
their infantry in the centre and bodies of cavalry on each flank, in
readiness to gallop forward and take advantage of any momentary disorder
in the ranks of their adversaries. He estimated their number to be more
than double his own. They had been teased by sending forward small
parties of scouts to provoke them to advance, but had not been induced
to stir from their ground. He had then decided to make an effort to turn
their right flank and "gave orders", he said, "that our men should wheel
their bodies to the left and gain a Hill that was hard by, which if
gained we should have forc'd the Enemy to fight to their disadvantage by
reason that he could not bring out of his great body more men to fight
at a time than we could out of our small body, and likewise that we
should have the advantage both of Wind and Sun."[253]

This well devised but somewhat difficult manoeuvre was swiftly and
successfully carried out without the least opposition. Forcing their way
through the woods and thickets which then covered the site of the
present city of Panama, Morgan's advanced guard soon reached the summit
of the hill, which was long called in memory of the event "El Cerro de
Avance", and descended its further slope. Then crossing a dry "gut" or
ravine they came within easy musket shot of the right flank of the
Spanish array, gorgeous indeed in many-coloured cotton and silken
garments, but ill-trained and easily dismayed, by this unexpected
movement.

Guzman had formed his plan solely with the expectation of resisting a
direct frontal attack. He had placed Don Juan Portando Bargueno, the
governor of Brogues, in command of the right wing, Don Alonso de
Alcandete in command of the left, and remained himself with his
Sargento-Mayor in charge of the centre. Two great herds of wild cattle
had been driven forward by the spears of their active keepers, one on
each flank, with the intention of enveloping and trampling down the
English when they were engaged with the artillery and infantry in the
centre and perhaps thrown into confusion by their fire.

Guzman reported that he "gave strict command that none should move
without my order, and that coming within shot the three first Ranks
should fire on their knees and after this charge they should give place
to the rear to come up and Fire, and that although they should chance to
see any fall Dead or wounded, they should not quit their Stations, but
to the last extremity observe these Orders."[254]

Morgan's turning movement made this plan entirely useless. Don Francisco
de Haro, who commanded the squadron of cavalry covering the right flank
of the Spanish position, led it very promptly and gallantly to the
charge, and advanced so furiously at full speed against the English
advanced guard, that "having no pikes", orders were hastily given to
that body "to double their Ranks to the Right, and close their Files to
the Right and Left inward to their close order." A solid oblong mass was
thus formed in time to resist the onset. One steady well-directed volley
repelled this charge, but its resolute leader continued his headlong
career until he fell dead close at the feet of the first rank of the
English. The survivors of his squadron wheeled off to the right and
retreated from view. A body of infantry then advanced to try its
fortune. This movement was firmly met and easily repulsed. The left wing
of the main body of Morgan's men, led by Colonel Collier, whose march
had been retarded in the ascent of the hill, then opportunely came to
the support of the advanced guard and joined eagerly in the pursuit, so
that "the enemies retreat came to plain running."[255]

Guzman described this phase of the battle very carefully from his own
point of view.

    "I was at this time in the right wing of the Vanguard, watching
    the Enemies motion, which was hasty, by the Foot of a Hill in a
    narrow place, above three musket shot of the left wing of our
    Army, when on a sudden I heard a loud clamour, crying: 'Fall on!
    Fall on! For they fly!' at which Don Alonso de Alcandete was not
    able to keep them in their Ranks, nor stop them from running,
    though he cut them with his sword, but they fell into disorder.
    And I well knowing the Fatality of this, gave Command that they
    should drive up the herds of Cattle and charge with the Horse.
    So putting myself at the Head of the Squadron of the Right Wing,
    saying, 'Come along, Boys! there is no other remedy now but to
    conquer or die! Follow me!' I went directly to the Enemy, and
    hardly did our men see some fall Dead and others wounded, but
    they turned their backs and fled, leaving me there with only one
    Negro and one servant that followed me. Yet I went forward to
    comply with my word to the Virgin, which was to die in her
    Defence, receiving a shot in the staff I carried in my Hand
    upright close to my cheek. At which moment came up to me a
    Priest of the great Church, called Juan de Dios (who was wont to
    say Mass in my House), beseeching me to retire and save myself,
    who I twice sharply reprehended. But the third time he persisted
    telling me that it was mere desperation to Die in that manner
    and not like a Christian. With that I retired, it being a
    miracle of the Virgin to bring me off safe among so many
    thousand Bullets."[256]

The onrush of the cattle commanded by Guzman was firmly met by a picked
detachment of musketeers, told off for that purpose, whose steady and
well-directed fire killed or wounded many as they came on and stampeded
the rest, wildly tossing their heads and bellowing with pain and terror.
In their flight they dispersed and actually trampled down some of the
cowkeepers and Spanish foot soldiers. After this the beaten force
attempted little resistance, but retreated in great haste and disorder
to the city.

William Fogg, one of Morgan's men, gleefully related that "they had the
pursuit almost three miles, in which the enemy lost five hundred men,
and they one Frenchman."[257]

Several priests had accompanied Guzman into the field to encourage his
soldiers to fight resolutely in defence of their city and religion, and
to administer the last rites of the church to the dying. Some of them
were killed in the battle or when they were overtaken in their flight.
Morgan was afterwards accused of having given orders for them to be
butchered in cold blood. This he warmly denied. That the pursuit was
fierce and ruthless cannot be doubted.

The end of the combat was described in these terms in his official
account.

    "Although they worked such a Stratagem that hath been seldom or
    never heard, that is when the Foot engaged in the Flank he
    attempted to drive two Droves of Cattel of 1,500 apiece into the
    Right and Left Angles of the Rear, but all came to one effect,
    and helped nothing for their flight to the City, where they had
    200 fresh men, and two Forts, one with six Brass Guns, the other
    with eight and the Streets Barricadoed, and great Guns in every
    Street, which in all amounted to 32 brass Guns, but instead of
    fighting he commanded the City to be fired, and his chief Forts
    to be blown up, the which was in such haste that he blew up
    forty of his Souldiers in it. We followed into the Town, where
    in the Market-place they made some resistance and fired some
    great Guns, killed us four men and wounded five. At three of the
    clock in the Afternoon we had quiet possession of the City,
    although on fire, with no more loss on our side in this daies
    work than five men killed and ten wounded, And of the Enemy
    about 400. There we were forced to put the fire out of the
    Enemies Houses; but it was in vain, for by 12 at night it was
    all consumed that might be called the City; but of the Suburbs
    was saved two churches and about 300 Houses; thus was consumed
    that famous and antient City of Panama, which is the greatest
    Mart for Silver and Gold in the whole World, for it receives the
    Goods into it that comes from old Spain in the King's great
    Fleet, and likewise delivers to the Fleet all the Silver and
    Gold that comes from the Mines of Peru and Potoze."[258]

This account of the destruction of the greatest part of the city was
fully corroborated by Guzman's official letter.

    "After this," he wrote, "I endeavoured with all my industry to
    persuade the Souldiers to turn and face our Enemies but it was
    impossible; so that nothing hindering them, they entered the
    City to which the Slaves and owners of the Houses had set fire,
    and being all of Boards and Timber, was most of it quickly
    burnt, except the Audiencia, the Governor's House, the Convent
    of the Mercedes, San Joseph, the suburbs of Malambo and Pier de
    Vidas, at which they say the Enemy fretted very much, being
    disappointed of their Plunder and because they had brought with
    them an Englishman, whom they called the Prince,[259] with
    intent there to crown him King of the Terra Firma."[260]

Seeing that this voluntary destruction of the city would probably
deprive him and his men of the greater part of the valuable prize almost
within their grasp and make the exaction of ransom impossible, Morgan
promptly made the most energetic efforts to prevent the fire from
spreading. He caused his trumpeters to sound the call for assembling his
troops in the Plaza, and when a sufficient body had arrived, parties
were sent off in different directions to fight the flames by blowing up
some houses and pulling down others. Other detachments were ordered to
patrol the streets and post sentries where necessary. All were strictly
prohibited from drinking any wine or other liquor found in the houses,
on the pretext or suspicion that it might be poisoned. A strong party of
seamen was directed to march quickly to the port and seize all ships or
boats found there.

The city of Panama was then, with the single exception, perhaps, of
Cartagena, the chief port and emporium in Spanish America. It had the
greatest trade of any. Founded in the year 1500 by Pedrarias Davila, who
had succeeded Balboa as governor, it was built so close to the shore of
its magnificent bay that at high tide the largest ships could approach
its sea-wall. Besides being the most important place in the province, it
was the residence of a bishop, who was suffragan to the archbishop of
Lima, as well as that of the governor and members of the Audiencia or
high court of justice and executive council. The small rivers Gallinero
and Matasnillas flowed on either side of the city, and their steep banks
formed a sort of natural fortification which had been strengthened by
art. In the course of a somewhat eventful history of one hundred and
seventy years, it had become very rich and the seat of much luxury. The
best of its seven thousand houses were substantially built of hewn stone
in the Moorish style of architecture, roofed with gaudy red or blue
pantiles, having arched doorways and overhanging balconies, but a
greater number were constructed of native cedar or fragrant rosewood,
with stately stairways and lofty ceilings handsomely carved. Besides
these, many hundreds of palm-thatched huts and wattled cabins served as
cookhouses, storehouses and habitations for several thousands of slaves.

The great cathedral, dedicated to Saint Anastasius, was deemed the most
imposing structure of its kind in all the Spanish Indies, and ruins of
its tall, square, massive tower are still a landmark to the mariner. Its
many churches, convents, hospitals, and monasteries made the city a
centre of great religious activity.

Long ranges of stone stables stood there to shelter hundreds of the
King's horses and mules, employed in conveying the treasures of the
mines across the isthmus and bringing back bales of manufactured goods.
Still larger were the royal warehouses for the reception and safekeeping
of this treasure, immense stores of merchandise sent out from Spain, and
the produce of the pearl-fisheries and plantations of the Spanish
provinces on the coast of the Pacific collected there for exportation.

    "Through this town," said a contemporary writer, "the Wealth
    both of Peru and Spain passeth once every Year; from Spain by
    Nombre de Dios and Porto Bello, from whence whatsoever
    Merchandise or other Commodities from Spain, are transported to
    Panama by Land, and from thence by Sea to all Parts of Peru; and
    by Panama whatsoever comes from Peru, is sent into Spain."[261]

The Genoese Company, which held the monopoly of the traffic in African
slaves, possessed there a "stately house" with a spacious barracoon and
slave-pen, from which annually several thousands of slaves were
distributed to the mines and plantations of the west coast. Near by
were not less than two hundred warehouses owned by the wealthier
merchants.

The permanent population was certainly not less than thirty thousand
persons, and at the time of the great annual fair, which lasted many
days, it was probably swelled to as many as fifty thousand. Fifteen
years before it had been estimated that the value of goods that changed
hands during the fair amounted to five millions of pesos, and that was
actually a small part of the annual sales, as the value of the
merchandise smuggled into the country was believed to be three or four
times that on which duty was paid. Panama was in fact a city of
merchants, who, it was said, "thought only of becoming rich, and cared
little for the public good." They lived in princely luxury and
splendour. Their spacious dwellings were richly adorned with silken
curtains, woven tapestries, costly imported carpets and paintings. Their
tables gleamed with golden and silver plate.

But the city was weakly fortified, as an attack upon it had been
considered scarcely practicable owing to the great strength of its
outposts on the Caribbean coast, the castles of Puerto Bello and
Chagres.

The port was unsuitable for the larger ships then navigating the South
Sea, owing to the considerable fluctuation of the tides. Such ships,
indeed, could come alongside its wharves at high tide, but lay stranded
at the ebb. But the roadstead afforded a secure anchorage for the
unwieldy galleons which mainly conducted the commerce with Chili and
Peru. These were loaded and unloaded by means of lighters. Smaller ships
ran into the piers at high tide and lay embedded in the mud beneath them
when it fell.

    "Eastward from Panama", wrote the painstaking Ogilby, "appear
    seven Royal Houses on a Rock, wherein the Courts of Judicature
    are kept. Five hundred rods into the Sea lies an Island
    resembling a Half-moon, and the Haven wherein the Ships when
    they unlade cast Anchor, there being else not Water enough for
    laden Barques, and all lie dry the Tide being out; at the South
    thereof stands a wooden Sconce. . . . Round about the
    forementioned Royal Houses lie Bulwarks with a strong Castle on
    one side. . . . Two Leagues Westward is the Haven Pericos, which
    being secured from all Winds by three high Isles that lie before
    it, is the chief Harbour in which the Peruan Fleet (consisting
    most in small Barques) comes to an Anchor before they touch at
    Panama."[262]

A salt lagoon in the rear of the city was connected with the bay by a
narrow arm in which the tide rose and fell. This was spanned by a quaint
stone bridge, which, with its gate-house, still remains as a relic of
vanished greatness. Over this the long mule-trains with their cumbrous
panniers and tinkling bells, bearing away bars and ingots of precious
metal or returning with scarcely less valuable fabrics from oversea,
passed slowly to and fro. Nearly encircled by this lagoon and the two
rivers, with its delightful bay sweeping round in a graceful curve in
front, Panama was declared by many to be the rival of Venice in beauty
as well as commerce at a time when Venice was at the zenith of her power
and wealth.

Behind the city the land rose gently, diversified with small green hills
and pleasant shady valleys, containing fruitful gardens and orchards,
planted with trees imported from Spain, such as oranges, lemons, and
figs, besides such native fruits as avocado pears, bananas, guavas and
plantains.[263] Beyond these lay the wide, green savanna, intersected,
however, with "muddy pools sending forth stinking Damps", where as
already mentioned, great herds of cattle and horses found abundant
pasture.

Such had been the city of Panama on the morning of that day. When the
fire was finally subdued or had burned out, nearly all the many wooden
buildings had perished. Two churches, the convents, monasteries, the
government offices and warehouses were not greatly damaged. These
furnished ample quarters for their captors and a secure place of
confinement for their prisoners. There was no lack of provisions. A
great quantity of valuable merchandise, silks, velvets, and fine linen
was found in the warehouses, but nearly all the plate, which was the
prize most eagerly sought for, had been removed. In fact the owners had
had ample time. Chagres castle had been taken on December 28. Morgan
began the ascent of the river on January 8, and Panama was not occupied
until the afternoon of January 18. Some of the prisoners said that a
warning of their danger had been received two months before, and two
large ships of 350 and 700 tons had in consequence been loaded with
money, silver plate, gold bullion, jewels, and other valuable property,
valued at eight millions of pesos, and sent away to Lima. Most of the
clergy and nuns had also embarked in these vessels. Many other rich
inhabitants had removed with the most valuable of their household goods
to the islands in the bay, where they hoped they might be safe. Guzman
had retired to the hills, where at one time he was escorted by a hundred
men, and at another was almost alone.[264]

The seamen sent to the port discovered a barque lying fast aground,
which the Spaniards had attempted to burn, and succeeded in
extinguishing the fire before much harm had been done. This vessel
proved to be a valuable prize. She was soon refitted, manned, and put
under the capable command of Captain Robert Searle, who had already
distinguished himself by the capture of Tobago, San Augustin, and other
notable exploits as a privateer. In a few days he captured three other
ships and searched the islands in pursuit of the ill-fated fugitives
concealed there, taking many prisoners and much property.

    "The English having got possession of the Relicks of our Town,"
    wrote the President of Panama, "found a Bark in the Fasca,
    although I had given order that there should be none, yet had
    they not complied with my command, and when they would have set
    it on Fire, the Enemy came fast and put it out and with it they
    did us great damage, for they took three more with it, and made
    great havock of all they found in the Islands of Taboga, Otoque,
    and Las Islas del Rey, taking and bringing from thence many
    Prisoners."[265]

Yet Searle missed taking the richest prize of all through the misconduct
of his men, for which he was bitterly reproached by his chief and never
regained his favour. After landing on Taboga, they had discovered a
hidden store of Peruvian wine on which they had at once proceeded to
make themselves helplessly drunk. While they were in this condition, a
boat's crew was sent ashore from a Spanish galleon, _La Santissima
Trinidad_, commanded by Don Francisco Peralta, to obtain fresh water.
This party was surprised and taken. From them information was extorted
that the ship from which they came was "very richly laden with all the
King's Plate and a great quantity of riches of gold, pearls, jewels, and
other most precious goods of all the best and richest merchants of
Panama. On board this galleon were also the religious women belonging to
the nunnery of the said city, who had embarked with them all the
ornaments of the church, consisting of a great quantity of gold, plate,
and other things of great value."

Having received this intelligence Searle, who seems to have been sober,
gave orders for sailing in pursuit of this ship, which was reported to
be weakly manned and a dull sailer. His men flatly refused to leave
their revel, or perhaps were unable to obey. The Spanish captain,
finding that his men on shore failed to return, became alarmed, and
making sail with some difficulty, succeeded in getting out of reach by
morning. Years later he was taken by an English privateer in the South
Sea and told the story with much relish. About the same time Morgan,
having learned that he had been censured in a lately published book for
allowing this ship to escape, asserted that he had given timely orders
for her capture, which had not been executed.[266]

All the prize ships were manned, and ordered to cruise about the bay and
search every creek and inlet where small vessels and boats might be
hidden. Their most valuable capture was a ship from Paita, "laden with
cloth, soap, sugar, and biscuits, with twenty thousand pieces of eight
in ready money."

[Illustration: Ruins of Cathedral Tower at Panama    _See p. 190_]

Armed parties of Spaniards or Indians, mounted and on foot, were seen
from time to time moving over the savanna in several directions. Morgan
became alarmed for the safety of his line of communication and sent back
150 men to make sure that his boats and the garrison of Chagres were not
endangered. Other parties of varying strength went out daily to forage
or scout. They brought in many prisoners and "never saw an Enemy to face
them".

    "Here in this City we stayed 20 daies," Morgan reported, "making
    daily incursions upon the Enemy for twenty miles round about,
    without having so much as one Gun shot at us in anger, although
    we took in this time near 3,000 Prisoners of all sorts, and kept
    likewise barques in the South Seas, cruising and fetching of
    Prisoners that had fled to the Islands with their Goods and
    Families."[267]

Hendrik Smeeks, the Dutch rival of Daniel Defoe, who compiled the
_History of the Bucaniers_ under the pen name of Esquemelin or Oexmelin,
took much pleasure in narrating the cruel treatment and torture, which
he alleged was inflicted upon some of these miserable captives to extort
a ransom or information of hidden treasure, tending to justify the
shameful motto printed on the title-page of one edition of his book:
"Den Engelschman is een Duyvel voor een Mensch." The bitter contest
between England and Holland, known as the third Dutch war, had then just
ended and national hatred was still very strong when he wrote. His
French and Spanish translators took the liberty to modify the original
text to gratify the national prejudices of their readers, and in some
cases aggravated these charges. In an age when the torture of political
prisoners and suspected persons was sanctioned by law, it is highly
probable that similar cruel methods may have been employed by "the baser
sort" of Morgan's followers, when they had the opportunity, and was
perhaps tacitly approved by him although this he strenuously denied. His
Surgeon-General, Browne, who was much aggrieved by what he considered a
partial distribution of prize-money, exculpated his chief of complicity
in the ill treatment of prisoners. Writing some months after his return
to Jamaica and when peace with Spain had been formally proclaimed, he
said:

    "The report from England is very high, and a great deal worse
    than it was; what was done in fight and heat of pursuit of a
    flying enemy, I presume is pardonable; as to their women, I know
    [not] nor ever heard of anything offered beyond their wills;
    something I know was cruelly executed by Capt. Collier in
    killing a friar in the field after quarter given; but for the
    Admiral he was noble enough to the vanquished enemy."[268]

In one way and another it is certain that captured property and ransom
money was collected, which was valued by Morgan at 30,000, and was
estimated by Browne and others at as much as 70,000.

It is credibly stated that Morgan discovered a plot among some of his
officers to run off with the captured ships on a piratical expedition in
the Pacific. In the light of after events, this story seems not
improbable, as one of them, Charles Swan, later headed an adventure of
that kind. If this conspiracy actually existed, its execution was soon
prevented by the summary destruction of those vessels.

The detachment sent to Chagres returned with the comforting news that
not only was the garrison of Chagres safe but that it had taken a ship
loaded with provisions for Puerto Bello, where there was fear of a
famine. An unfounded report that Guzman was preparing an ambuscade to
cut off his retreat induced Morgan to take the precaution of sending out
another strong force to reconnoitre, by which all apprehensions were
removed.

Pack-mules and horses were collected for the conveyance of provisions
and the plunder of Panama, and even for mounting some Spanish ladies,
who were still held as hostages for the payment of ransom. On February
14 the return march to Chagres began, and on the afternoon of the
following day this long column of soldiers and captives, including
several hundred slaves and a pack-train of 175 mules arrived at Venta
de Cruz. There Morgan intended to embark in the boats and canoes, which
he ordered to be prepared for the descent of the river, then swelled by
recent rains. A halt for ten days was made to enable the prisoners to
arrange for the final payment of ransom, and to make an accurate
inventory of the spoil, as well as "to refresh the men". An oath was
exacted from all ranks that they would not conceal any captured property
but deliver every article into the common stock. Not content with this
he issued an order that everybody should submit to be searched, and set
an example by being searched himself down to his shoes. His French
allies loudly protested against this imputation on their good faith, but
were obliged to consent, much to their discontent. Not only were the
clothes, shoes, and baggage strictly examined but the muskets were taken
to pieces to make sure that nothing was hidden between stock and barrel.

The execution of this arbitrary order, combined with former disciplinary
measures, increased the prevailing dissatisfaction and made Morgan very
much disliked by many. His life was even threatened by the malcontents,
without greatly disturbing his usual equanimity. The search was
thoroughly performed and as a result the value of the prize-goods was
found to be considerably less than had been estimated. The ransomed
prisoners were released and the remainder embarked in the flotilla,
which arrived at Chagres on the evening of February 26, having come down
from Venta de Cruz in two days. There Morgan remained until March 6. A
message was sent to Puerto Bello inviting the governor to ransom the
rest of his prisoners, which he flatly refused to do. A division of the
spoil was then made, and after deducting a fifteenth for the King, a
tenth for the Lord High Admiral, the allowances for shipowners,
officers, surgeons, and carpenters, rewards for bravery and good
conduct, and compensation for loss and wounds, an announcement was made
that the share of an ordinary seaman or private soldier was only ten
pounds in money. Discontent became more open and general. All of the
French and many of the English, on being informed that peace had been
concluded between England and Spain, declared their intention of going
off on another expedition at their own risk. Those who still obeyed
Morgan, were employed in demolishing the forts; the guns were spiked,
and the wooden buildings burned. He then set sail for Jamaica
accompanied by only four or five other ships.

Beeston records the arrival at Port Royal on March 27 of a small vessel
from the fleet with news of the capture of Providence, "Caga Castle" and
Panama, and the loss of the _Satisfaction_ frigate, but the date of
Morgan's return is not mentioned. The deposition of William Fogg, taken
on April 4, relates that the ship in which he came, had sailed from
Chagres a month before and parted from the Admiral with three sail near
Puerto Bello, and he supposed that the rest of the fleet "had made the
best of their way for Jamaica." It appears certain that the ships
returning from Chagres brought several hundreds of captured negroes. It
is equally certain that Morgan and other officers were openly accused of
having cheated the men in the division of the prize-money.

Morgan's official report was dated April 20. On the last day of May he
was present at a meeting of the Council, attended by the governor and
six members. The Minutes of the meeting state that "Admiral Morgan gave
a Relation of a Voyage to Panama", and that the Council "gave him many
thanks for the execution of his late Commission, and approved very well
of his acting."

At the same meeting the Council was informed that the verdict of a jury
had been given against Captain Edward Collier and that he was threatened
with a suit for having executed the warrant of the Major-General issued
just before the departure of Admiral Morgan's fleet, enjoining all
seamen and others belonging to his ships to go on board at once,
prohibiting the sale of liquor to them, and authorizing the search of
public houses.

    "Whereupon an order was made to encourage His Majesty's officers
    courageously and cheerfully to execute like orders for His
    Majesty's service," and directing Lieut.-Colonel Robert
    Byndloss, Chief Judge of Port Royal, "not to suffer any
    proceedings, nor grant any execution on any verdict of a jury
    against the said Captain Collier for anything he was authorised
    to do by virtue of the said warrant."[269]

The merchants and planters were convinced that Morgan's energy and
ability had preserved Jamaica from invasion and had greatly enriched the
town of Port Royal.[270]

[Footnote 214: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
240, Edward Stanton to Colonel Thomas Lynch, Port Royal, 25th August,
1670; _ibid._, No. 264, Sir T. Modyford to Lord Arlington, 20th
September, 1670.]

[Footnote 215: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
376, Description of and conditions of settling the island of Vaca;
Raynal, _History of the West Indies_, IV, p. 211.]

[Footnote 216: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 217: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
264, Modyford to Arlington, 20th September, 1670.]

[Footnote 218: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
293, Browne to Williamson, on board the _Satisfaction_ at Hispaniola,
12th October, 1670; _ibid._, No. 319, Modyford to Arlington, 31st
October, 1670.]

[Footnote 219: Sailors' proverb: "July, stand by; August, you must;
September, remember; October, all over."]

[Footnote 220: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
310, Sir T. Modyford to Lord Arlington, 31st October, 1670.]

[Footnote 221: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
284, Modyford to Arlington, 20th September, 1670.]

[Footnote 222: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
293, Browne to Williamson, 12th October, 1670.]

[Footnote 223: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
310, Modyford to Arlington, 31st October, 1670.]

[Footnote 224: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1670.]

[Footnote 225: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671; _Sir Henry Morgan's Voyage to
Panama_, 1670, Malthus, London, 1683.]

[Footnote 226: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
359, Sir Thomas Modyford to Lord Arlington, 30th December, 1670.]

[Footnote 227: See Appendix I.]

[Footnote 228: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
359, Modyford to Arlington, 20th December, 1670.]

[Footnote 229: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
275, Petition of Charles Modyford in behalf of Sir Thomas Modyford, &c.]

[Footnote 230: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
276, Reasons presented by Charles Modyford to the King in Council why
privateers should not be wholly discontinued in the West Indies, 28th
September, 1670.]

[Footnote 231: F. R. Harris, _Life of Edward Mountague_, II, p. 46 _et
seq._; Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, Vol. II, pp.
91-4, prints the treaty in the original Latin.]

[Footnote 232: _History of the Bucaniers of America_, edition of 1905,
pp. 188-9.]

[Footnote 233: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 99, stated that there were ninety soldiers, with forty women, and
forty-three children; thirty-one slaves and eight children belonging to
the King; eight convicts; thirty-nine slaves and twenty-two children
privately owned; twenty-seven free blacks having twelve children.]

[Footnote 234: _History of the Bucaniers of America_, p. 189; Southey,
_Chronological History of the West Indies_, II, p. 99.]

[Footnote 235: _History of the Bucaniers of America_, p. 189; Southey,
_Chronological History of the West Indies_, II, p. 99.]

[Footnote 236: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671; Southey, _Chronological
History of the West Indies_, II, p. 99.]

[Footnote 237: Relation of Don Perez de Guzman, rendered into English
out of the Spanish in _Voyages and Adventures of Captain Barth_. Sharp,
London, 1684, p. 145.]

[Footnote 238: Anonymous article in _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1740, Vol.
X, pp. 457-8.]

[Footnote 239: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1740, Vol. X, pp. 457-8.]

[Footnote 240: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 241: Relation of Don Juan Perez de Guzman, London, 1684.]

[Footnote 242: _Calendar of State Papers, Domestic_, 1670-71, pp. 55-6.]

[Footnote 243: Relation de Don Juan Perez de Guzman, London, 1684.]

[Footnote 244: Relation de Don Juan Perez de Guzman, London, 1684.]

[Footnote 245: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
483, Relation of William Fogg, 4th April, 1671; No. 504, Morgan to
Modyford, 20th April, 1671; _History of the Bucaniers, passim_;
Bancroft, _History of Central America_, II, p. 460 _et seq._]

[Footnote 246: _A New History of Jamaica_, 1740, pp. 125-6.]

[Footnote 247: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 248: Relation of Don Juan Perez de Guzman, London, 1684, pp.
145-6.]

[Footnote 249: Relation of Don Juan Perez de Guzman, pp. 145-6, Malthus,
London, 1684.]

[Footnote 250: Bounty or refreshment, probably in this case strong
drink.]

[Footnote 251: Relation of Don Juan Perez de Guzman, Malthus, London,
1684, pp. 146-7.]

[Footnote 252: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 253: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 254: Relation of Don Juan Perez de Guzman, London, 1684.]

[Footnote 255: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 256: Relation of Don Juan Perez de Guzman, London, 1684.]

[Footnote 257: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
483, Relation of William Fogg, 4th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 258: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 259: Probably an allusion to Major Lawrence Prince.]

[Footnote 260: Relation of Don Juan Perez de Guzman, London, 1684.]

[Footnote 261: John Ogilby, _America_, London, Printed by the Author,
White Fryers, MDCLXXI, p. 396.]

[Footnote 262: Ogilby, _America_, p. 396.]

[Footnote 263: Dampier, _Voyages_, edition of 1729, II, pp. 97-9.]

[Footnote 264: _Hollandtze Mercurius_, April, 1671, letter from
Cartagena, 8th March, 1671; _ibid._, Junius, 1671.]

[Footnote 265: Relation of Don Juan Perez de Guzman, London, 1684.]

[Footnote 266: Dampier, _Voyages to the Bay of Campeachy_, 1729, p. 52.]

[Footnote 267: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
504, Morgan to Modyford, 20th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 268: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
608, Richard Browne to Joseph Williamson, Jamaica, 21st August, 1671.]

[Footnote 269: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
543, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, St. Jago, 31st May, 1671.]

[Footnote 270: Edward Long wrote: "The immense riches they brought into
this town, the grand treasury of all their spoil, may partly be judged
by the sums which the armament, under Sir Henry Morgan only, is said to
have brought in during 1669 and 1670, viz:

  On the capture of Puerto del Principe       50,000 pieces of eight.
                    Puerto Velo              250,000
                    Maracaibo                250,000
                    Panama and Cruz          400,000
                                             _______
                         In all              950,000 or 237,500

besides an immense quantity of silks, linens, gold and silver lace,
plate, jewels, and other valuable commodities; which probably amounted
to near as much more. By this means (as an historian has observed) money
grew to be in vast plenty, and returns easy to England, into which many
hundred thousands of those pieces of eight were imported. A share of
these acquisitions, however, remained in circulation among the planters,
who by this time brought their manufactures of sugar and indigo to
perfection."--_History of Jamaica_, II, p. 140.]




  CHAPTER VII

  THE DOWNFALL OF MODYFORD


On April 18th, 1671, after the full extent of Morgan's success had
become known to him, Sir James Modyford wrote to Secretary Williamson
informing him that the island of Providence, of which he had been
appointed lieutenant-governor, having been retaken by the Spaniards
before his arrival to assume its administration, had been recovered by
the privateers on their way to Panama, and the Spanish garrison had been
expelled. He considered it his duty to take possession in the name of
the King, proposed to send there a deputy with a small party of
soldiers, and intended to follow himself with such a force as he could
enlist. A month later he announced that he had given a commission as
deputy governor to "Colonel Blodre Morgan, a good old soldier", with
instructions to precede him to Providence, who would probably sail in
four or five days with a ship he had hired for that purpose and might
take with him three hundred men.[271]

Just a week previous, Sir Thomas Modyford had received a letter from the
governor of Porto Rico, stating that he had been sent a copy of the
recent treaty of peace, "concerning a good correspondence between the
two nations within the seas and ports of America", with instructions to
arrive at an agreement with him and the other English governors for its
simultaneous publication on a day to be settled with them. He proposed
that it should be proclaimed on the "Vespers of Saint John", but left
the date to be fixed by Modyford. In case he received no reply before
that day, he would make the proclamation then, and repeat it upon the
day named by Modyford, "because good news doth never weary." He added
that he had been notified of the conclusion of the treaty by the
governor of Antigua some months earlier, with a request for the release
of some English prisoners at Porto Rico, but was unable to comply for
want of instructions. He would deliver them to any English ships sent
for them, and if none were sent he would supply them with a ship for
their passage.[272]

The ratification of the new treaty with Spain was followed by an abrupt
and discomfiting change of English policy in the West Indies. The
cabinet decided to recall Sir Thomas Modyford and, if need be, punish
him in some manner for excessive zeal, to satisfy the angry complaints
of the Spanish court. No governor was immediately appointed to take his
place, but Colonel Thomas Lynch was given the honour of knighthood and
the rank of lieutenant-governor and commander-in-chief of the military
and naval forces in Jamaica. At that time no information had been
received of the result of Morgan's last expedition. Lynch was instructed
to publish the text of the treaty within eight months after the 10/20th
day of October, 1670, if he could agree with the Spanish governors on a
date. At the time of publication he was directed to revoke all
commissions of any kind granted to the prejudice of the King of Spain
and his subjects, and carefully to observe the terms of the treaty. To
encourage all privateers to return promptly, he was commanded,
immediately after the publication of the treaty, to proclaim a free
pardon for all offences committed by them since the month of June, 1660,
to all who obeyed his invitation and "betook themselves to planting or
merchandising", and assure them that they would be allowed to enjoy all
goods and property in their possession at the time of such proclamation,
except the King's fifteenths and the Duke of York's tenths. If they
would undertake to become planters, they were to be granted thirty-five
acres of land each; if they would agree to employ their ships in
peaceful commerce, they were to be allowed to trade with the same
freedom as if these ships had been built in England; or if any of them
were inclined to serve in the Royal Navy, they would be engaged and
receive pay. He was required to appoint as early a date for the recall
of these privateers as the circumstances would admit, and not to insist
so positively upon the payment of the fifteenths and tenths as to
discourage them or delay their compliance. In the event that these
offers did not have the desired effect, he was authorized to "use all
means by force or persuasion" to secure their submission and ensure
their obedience to his government.[273]

Five days afterwards, probably after receiving further complaints from
the Spanish ambassador, additional secret instructions were prepared for
Lynch, stating that "whereas Sir Thomas Modyford, late governor of
Jamaica, hath contrary to the King's express commands, made many
depredations and hostilities against the subjects of His Majesty's good
brother, the Catholic King", it was the King's pleasure as soon as he
had taken possession of that "government and fortress so as not to
apprehend any ill consequences thereupon", he was to make Modyford a
prisoner and send him to England to answer the charges laid against him,
and then to publish a royal proclamation offering a free pardon to all
his abettors in those acts on receiving their promise to abstain from
committing them in future.[274]

As a precautionary measure Charles Modyford was at once arrested and
confined in the Tower of London as a hostage for the good behaviour of
his father.

Within a few weeks after the preparation of these instructions, a letter
was received from Jamaica, dated December 15, containing the
embarrassing information that a fleet of thirty-five ships had sailed
for an attack upon Panama. "If they take it (which we doubt not)," the
writer remarked, "there will be much money found in it, and it will make
a great noise in Europe, being so instant on the expectation of a peace
to be made in the Indies. . . . We have good reason for it, in that by
the oaths of several Spaniards, they are there arming men against us,
whom it is best to disperse before they are too strongly united."[275]

Lynch's departure was hastened, but he did not leave England until April
and failed to arrive at Port Royal before June 15. His former experience
as a member of the Council and administrator of the government seemed
considerable qualifications for his appointment, and his large estate
and friendly relations with other planters were expected to give him
sufficient local influence to enable him to carry out a difficult and
probably unpopular task.[276]

The governor had received some intimation of ministerial displeasure,
and early in May he ordered Morgan to send a ship to the Cayman islands
in pursuit of a French privateer to prevent an attack on the Spaniards.
This was promptly done.[277]

When it became evident that he would be arraigned for his recent conduct
in making war, he drew up a careful and plausible defence under fifteen
heads, which he entitled: "Considerations from Sir Thomas Modyford,
which moved him to give his consent for fitting out privateers against
the Spaniard."

    "1. The peaceable state they were under, having in May, 1669,
    called in all commissions, and never intending to give more,
    till in July, 1670, they were enforced by the Queen of Spain's
    Scaedula of 20th April, 1669, commanding war against them, which
    arrived in June, 1670.

    "2. The execution of this war by the violences of Rivera Pardal,
    who, after burning their houses, took two vessels and would have
    taken all vessels from England.

    "3. The constant advices of more vessels preparing to come to
    him, every little success putting that easily heightened nation
    a-tip-toes.

    "4. His Majesty's instructions empowering the Governor on
    extraordinary cases by the Council's advice to use extraordinary
    remedies.

    "5. The unanimous consent of the Council and their fear of the
    ruin of the country.

    "6. The complaints of the merchants, fishermen, and sailors,
    fears of the planters, cries of the women and children, and the
    danger of the Governor's person and reputation, should he have
    denied to take arms on so general an importunity.

    "7. The certain increase of the enemy's courage and pride, if it
    were possible, and the debasing of ours, which is next to
    beating.

    "8. The fatal consequences of the foregoing evils.

    "9. Lord Arlington's letter of 11 June, 1670, which arrived in
    August commanding him to keep the privateers in the posture that
    letter should find them in.

    "10. The commission to Morgan being solely to avenge these
    affronts.

    "11. The commissions to private captains being only to execute
    Morgan's orders whereby it is evident that nothing was in design
    but His Majesty's service.

    "12. And whereas it may be objected that the fleet might have
    been called in after the coast had been secured, and so the
    mischief of Panama prevented; it must be considered that the
    privateers finding ships, arms, ammunition, and provisions at
    their own charge, would not have obeyed such orders, expecting
    as the late Lord General, that great master of war, adviseth,
    the soldier to look on the enemy as the surest pay.

    "13. If Sir Thomas Modyford should be censured for granting that
    Commission, then this fatal doctrine must necessarily follow,
    that let French, Dutch, or Spaniard make war on Jamaica, the
    Governor must not take up any offensive arms till he has advised
    His Majesty and received His Majesty's orders to proceed
    therein; which advice, if it escape the enemy and all sea
    hazards, cannot arrive under three months, attendance for orders
    will take two or three months more if the enemy's ambassador be
    there to put in delays, and the answer may arrive in three
    months; which makes nine months, during which the pressure of
    the enemy must be endured. How destructive this doctrine will
    prove is easily imaginable if the advice or orders be delayed or
    miscarry; and therefore my humble request to your Lordships is
    to be sure of a prudent and loyal person for the Government and
    then trust him with that commission which the wise Romans gave
    their generals, _videat ne Insula nostra Jamaica aliquid
    detrimenta accipiat_, the Romans giving such large powers even
    in Italy, at their own doors, so well did they understand that
    rule of trusting him that was on the place, who clearly sees
    what cannot be imagined by much wiser men at so great a
    distance.

    "14. They had reason to believe that this in time might so
    humble the Spaniards that they would be willing to embrace a
    free trade.

    "15. And to conclude, the necessity of affairs was such that if
    it were to be done again, and I assured of all the trouble that
    now threatens me and worse, it could not have been avoided
    without the manifest ruin of this island."[278]

This paper, with a statement of the profits of his office, was sent to
his son, who, unknown to him, was then a prisoner in the Tower. Means
were found to transmit both to Lord Arlington. According to this account
of his receipts, it appeared that the Assembly had voted him a salary of
one thousand pounds per annum, to be raised by an impost on liquors,
which, in the course of five years, had never produced more than six
hundred pounds in any one year. Twenty pounds were paid him for every
commission issued to a privateer, which in all might have amounted to
four hundred pounds, and together with presents from them and other
gains, direct or indirect, never had exceeded five hundred pounds. The
fifteenth share of the valuation of prizes brought in by them, which had
been collected as a _droit_ of the Crown, amounting to six or seven
hundred pounds, had been entirely expended on the fortification of Port
Royal with 2,500 of his own money. The establishment due him from the
king, still unpaid, amounted to 6,350.[279]

He also replied very fully and apparently frankly to a long list of
questions from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations as to
the condition of the island, its commerce, and relations with
neighbouring countries. After describing its position with respect to
Cuba, Porto Rico and the great island of Hispaniola, "the west parts of
which are inhabited", he said, "by French, with a mixture of English,
Dutch, and Walloons, with whom our people trade for hides, tallow,
jerked meat, cattle, and horses, which they daily fetch from the
Spaniards, who dare not vindicate themselves," he remarked:

    "Thus may your Lordships read Jamaica circled with enemy's
    countries, which (though not sufficiently stored with people to
    hurt us) yet are good places to receive and cherish such forces
    as may come from Europe or Mexico to oppress us, and therefore
    is there much reason for that standing force of privateers or
    somewhat equivalent to give us seasonable intelligence, and to
    be prompt to resist the first attempts of the enemy."[280]

He enclosed a complete list of the ships that had sailed under Morgan
from Cape Tiburon, giving the name of the captain and a statement of the
tonnage and number of crew and guns carried by each, and another of the
ships owned in Port Royal engaged in the logwood trade at Campeachy,
numbering thirty-two, carrying seventy-four guns and 424 men. Between
the 1st of January, 1668, and the 1st of January, 1670, he reported that
208 ships had arrived at Port Royal, the largest being of 180 tons and
the smallest of only three tons, having in the whole an aggregate
tonnage of 6,727.[281]

A return of the trained bands or militia, made in June, 1670, when fear
of an invasion was strong, showed that they consisted of five regiments
of foot besides two independent companies in the sparsely settled
parishes on the north side, and one regiment of horse, numbering in all
2,720 of all ranks.[282]

At the request of Lord Arlington, Modyford transmitted a "Survey of the
Island" prepared by the Receiver-General, giving a list of persons to
whom land had been granted and the quantity granted to each in the six
parishes on the south side, which had been the longest settled. This
return showed that they contained 717 families, numbering by estimation,
7,898 persons, to whom 189,620 acres of land had been patented. An
estimate was made that 20,000 acres of land had been granted in the
other parishes, which were surmised to contain 1,500 inhabitants.
Privateersmen, hunters, and boatmen, not included in the population of
any parish, were supposed to number "at least 1,500 able, lusty men".
The towns of Port Royal and St. Jago de la Vega were believed to be
peopled by not less than 3,500 persons. The total population was
consequently estimated to be 15,198, and the extent of land actually
patented to be 209,020 acres. With respect to some of these grants, the
governor deemed it advisable to make an explanation in his covering
letter.

    "Your Lordship will find", he said, "great quantities of land
    granted to some persons, among whom my son, 6,000 acres, whose
    name I made use of for myself, having about 400 persons in Our
    Family and so but one half acre due, 5,000 to Capt. Noy which is
    the Wast Land by the Sea Side, most part covered with Salt Water
    where there is a very hopeful Work began for Salt &c.

    "There is 3,200 to one Styles, who never had hands
    proportionable nor ever will as I judge, but the reason of it
    was that within a year of my coming he made oath His Majesty had
    granted a Privy Seal for that quantity which he had lost by the
    War and faithfully promised to stock it, which being where
    nobody would take lands, I granted it and desire your Lordship
    to direct my son to search the Privy Seal office, whether there
    be any such grant.

    "As to the rest the Proportion of Hands is not wanting for its
    security and in the whole grant added together your Lordship
    will find double the number."[283]

Besides the persons named by him, his brother, Sir James Modyford, had
been granted 5,300 acres in three parishes, and Lord Clarendon had
obtained 3,000 acres in the parish that still bears his name. Taking
into consideration all these grants, it appeared that 120,446 acres or
nearly sixty per cent. of the whole, had been acquired by ninety-six
persons. In the parish of St. Catherine, inhabited by 158 families,
50,155 acres out of a total of 68,590 patented, had been granted to
twenty-nine favoured individuals.

The Receiver-General further reported that fifty-seven sugar-works were
in operation, producing annually about 1,710,000 weight of sugar, and
that about a dozen more were being established. Forty-seven cocoa-walks
yielded annually about 188,000 pounds of nuts, and many others had been
planted and would soon begin to bear fruit. The product of fifty-nine
indigo works was estimated at 49,000 pounds per annum, "to which many
are daily adding", he said. Three salt ponds, containing upwards of four
thousand acres, situated in that part of the parish of St. Catherine,
still called the Salt Pond District, managed by Captain John Noye, had
yielded in the last year about ten thousand bushels of salt, and Noye
asserted that he could have made as many tons, had there been any demand
for as much. Considerable quantities of braziletto, ebony, fustic,
lignum vit, and other kinds of valuable wood were exported. Pimento,
pepper, and annatto grew wild in abundance in the hills, and a commerce
in these products might be developed with profit. The number of domestic
cattle was stated to have increased in six years from sixty to six
thousand. Sheep, goats, and tame hogs were so plentiful that the
inhabitants were in no danger of want, and they hoped soon to be able to
supply ships bound for England with all they needed. In fact, the
settlers had been enterprising and industrious and the colony was
flourishing.[284]

A vague report that Modyford was to be recalled had reached Jamaica, and
Henry Morgan's signature headed a petition to the King, praying that he
should be continued in office as governor, unless there were "very
pregnant reasons to the contrary". The petitioners stated that they had
lived for several years in the island "in a very poor and unsettled
state" until Modyford had arrived, "who by the great encouragement he
gave to planting (more especially by his own example, having brought and
laid out a considerable stock), induced them to betake themselves to
planting and a settled condition, wherein he daily endeavours to oblige
them by many wholesome laws, with a free and unbiased administration of
justice; and the loud fame thereof draws great numbers of His Majesty's
subjects from all parts to settle amongst them, to the great benefit of
the island, His Majesty's revenue, and the English nation". This
petition was also signed by Colonel Theodore Cary, Lieutenant-Colonels
Robert Byndloss, John Cope, and William Ivy, all large proprietors and
members of the Council, seven sergeant-majors, seventeen captains,
thirteen lieutenants, eleven ensigns, eleven merchant freeholders,
twenty-two merchant inhabitants, and 251 freeholders, being probably a
majority of the principal residents. Apparently it was received in
London some months after the decision to recall Modyford had been made
and was then ignored, but may have subsequently had some influence in
his favour.[285]

Hostilities had not entirely ceased after Morgan's return, as about the
end of May, a party of Spaniards landed on the northern coast of
Jamaica, burnt a house, and carried off a prisoner to Cuba. No attempt
was made to retaliate.

Sir Thomas Lynch was politely welcomed by Modyford and his friends and
he seems to have been highly respected by most of the inhabitants who
knew him. Two fourth-rate frigates of the Royal Navy, the _Assistance_
and _Welcome_, came with him, and both of these ships were sent at once
to Cartagena with Colonel Beeston and another officer, to announce the
receipt of the terms of the treaty of peace and ask the liberation of
all English prisoners of war. Lynch and Modyford agreed in the opinion
that English ships should be permitted to cut and bring logwood from the
bay of Campeachy, where nearly forty small vessels from Jamaica were
already employed in that profitable occupation, and they feared that the
Spaniards would capture some of them and thus provoke another war.[286]

As predicted, the news of the capture and burning of Panama had made "a
great noise in Europe". The earliest published account of this event
appeared in a Dutch newspaper, the _Hollandtze Mercurius_, in April,
1671, which contained a translation of a letter from the commandant at
Puerto Bello to the governor of Cartagena and forwarded by the latter on
March 6. In June, this account was supplemented in the same newspaper by
a more complete and accurate narrative, apparently sent from Jamaica,
adding that demands for reparation would be made by Spain.

An English newsletter, addressed to John Davies at Hertford and
published by him on the 1st July, 1671, stated that letters from
Jamaica, dated April 15,

    "advise that the fleet of pirateers under the command of General
    Morgan sailed in December from the Isle of Vaca by High
    Spaniola, with 34 sail of small vessels and above 2,000 men to a
    stronghold on _Terra Firma_ called Changra Castle, which they
    took after two days' dispute and then by storming with the loss
    of 150 men. Thence they took all the boats and canoes they could
    find on the coast, embarked of themselves 1,800 and went up the
    great river Changra within 12 leagues of Panama, where they
    landed and marched up to a plain or savana, where they met 700
    horse and 2,000 foot Spaniards, and 1,000 slaves, who fought,
    but after a sharp dispute the English put them to flight
    possessing what booty they left on the field and having killed
    about 500 Spaniards and taken several prisoners, with little
    loss. This done they marched to Panama, but the Spaniards being
    beaten in the field, set it on fire in several places and
    quitted it, having some time before sent all their plate and
    chief treasure on board some galleons rid off the South Sea,
    where the English could not come at them, but in the houses not
    burnt the pirateers got plunder. They stayed in the country six
    weeks and then returned to their ships, when differing about
    dividing the plunder 22 sail left General Morgan and went upon
    another design further down the Bay, and he returned with eight
    sail to Jamaica. The General lost his own ship with three others
    but saved the silver, gold, and jewels, which it is said the
    officers took store of, though the seamen and soldiers shared
    but 16 apiece. Some letters say that in the whole the English
    lost about 400."[287]

Six weeks later another newsletter published intelligence from Jamaica,
dated as late as May 29, stating the receipt of a message from the
governor of San Domingo, enclosing a copy of the treaty and announcing
his intention of proclaiming it on June 23. "The privateers which left
Morgan are said to be in a sad condition", the writer continued, "many
of them starving at a place to leeward on _Terra Firma_, called Boca del
Drago. The coco trees are blasted again this May, and the Spaniards say
all theirs are burnt up in the West Indies, so they were sending to
Caraga for more to plant."[288]

These private letters were published some considerable time before
Modyford's official letter enclosing Morgan's narrative had been
received by the Secretary of State, and did not tend to mitigate his
displeasure.

Lynch's first letter to Lord Arlington stated his belief that the
_Assistance_ with a ketch would be a sufficient naval force "to awe the
privateers and reduce the refractory. This voyage," he added, "has
mightily lessened and humbled them, and they would take it as a
compliment to be severe with Morgan whom they rail on horribly for
starving, cheating, and deserting them."[289]

A few days later he complained dolefully that the treasury was
penniless, a dry season had blighted the cocoa and sugar canes,
four-fifths of the men who had gone to Panama were lost, and he doubted
whether there were as many people in the island then as there had been
when he had left it seven years before, yet "prodigious quantities of
land had been run out" for prospective settlers. Morgan had given him
Guzman's official account of the capture of Chagres and Panama, which he
had intercepted and "a most extraordinary Derrotero" or chart of the
South Seas. Both were transmitted.[290]

Lynch had discreetly deferred the execution of his orders to place his
predecessor under arrest, possibly fearing that he might meet with some
resistance, and confessed that he considered it necessary to exercise
much prudence in effecting it. Therefore he invited Modyford and other
members of the council on board the frigate and then informed him in
their presence that he had been instructed to send him to England as a
prisoner of the State. They all seemed much surprised and distressed,
perhaps anticipating that he might meet with the fate of Sir Walter
Raleigh. To allay their alarm he assured Modyford, in accordance with
Arlington's instructions, that "his life and fortune were in no danger
and that he had orders to pardon all, which was a mark that Sir Thomas
Modyford was not such a capital offender, but there was a necessity of
the King's making this resentment for such an unseasonable irruption."

He afterwards wrote letters to the same effect to Modyford's son and to
Morgan, who were both sick, and to some other members of the Council,
who had not accepted his invitation, "fearing", he said, "that surprise
or fear might occasion some rash actions, but God be thanked, all
remained quiet, only by some in secret I was traduced as a trapan, and
one that had betrayed the good General."

A few days later a meeting of the Council was held, which was attended
by all the members, except Modyford's son and brother, Sir James, "who
was reported to be frantic" when Lynch showed them his orders, which, he
told them, "were not to be disputed though his manner of doing it might
privately be censured." He permitted them to confirm the resolution
commissioning Morgan, which the late governor took with him, and Lynch
gave him a letter certifying that he had not discovered any disposition
on his part or that of any of the people to rebel against his authority.

The question of the proper disposal of the negro and mulatto slaves
brought from Panama had given him much perplexity, and he at length
decided to liberate them cautiously, so that the people should not be
too much displeased, as an agreement had been made by some gentlemen
with the governor of Cartagena to deliver them to him on payment of
eighty pieces of eight per head.[291]

Surgeon-General Browne soon joined in the popular outcry against his
late chief.

    "At Chaugrave," he wrote, "they gave what they pleased, for
    which they must be content or else clapped in irons, and after
    staying there a week the Admiral and four or five more stood for
    Jamaica, being like to starve in that 10 days run, and the rest
    for want of provisions were forced to leeward, where hundreds
    were lost, starved, which is half the undoing of this island. At
    their going out on this unfortunate voyage they had 37 sail of
    men-of-war, and I know 10 cast away and not above 10 yet
    returned. . . .

    "There have been very great complaints by the wronged seamen in
    Sir Thomas Modyford's time against Admiral Morgan, Collier and
    other Commanders, but nothing was done, but since Sir Thomas
    Lynch's arrival they are left to the law. The Commanders dare
    but seldom appear, the widows, orphans, and injured inhabitants,
    who have so freely advanced upon hopes of a glorious design,
    being now ruined through fitting out the privateers."[292]

When this letter was written Morgan was believed to be very seriously
ill with fever. Sickness, however, did not exempt him from other
troubles. A month later Dr. George Holmes presented a petition to the
Council, alleging that being the owner of the ship _Port Royal_, he had
given the command to Humphrey Thurston, with orders to go to Campeachy
for a cargo of logwood, but contrary to his instructions, Thurston had
converted his ship into a man-of-war, and had taken a Spanish ship of
forty tons, laden with silk, wine, new Spanish cloth, and other goods.
Thurston had afterwards, he alleged, fitted out his prize as a privateer
and having laid up the _Port Royal_ as a wreck, although actually worth
300, had joined Morgan's fleet, in the roll of which he appears as
captain of the _Thomas_. When attempting to enter the Chagres river in
the wake of Morgan's flagship, that vessel ran aground and was lost. The
petitioner asserted that Morgan had received 1,000 as compensation for
the loss of his own ship and had promised to indemnify all others for
any similar loss in a formal agreement, signed by himself, Captains
Edward Collier, Lawrence Prince, Thomas Harris, and others, yet he had
been paid nothing, and prayed that Admiral Morgan should be summoned
before the Council to answer his complaint. An order was made that
Morgan should appear at the next meeting to answer the complaint of Dr.
Holmes, that "such order may be made as shall be agreeable to law and
equity."[293] The result of this enquiry is not recorded.

The marriage of his wife's younger sister in the summer of this year to
Henry Archbold, the owner, among other properties, of the large estate
of Constant Spring, on which a great part of the city of Kingston is now
built, had considerably strengthened Morgan's local position.

Circumstantial rumours of an impending invasion caused serious alarm in
the autumn. Lynch reported that merchants had received letters from
Holland, London, and Spain warning them that "the Church and Grandees of
Spain" had engaged to reconquer Jamaica with a fleet of thirty-six ships
and an army of five thousand men. He had no fears except for the safety
of Port Royal, as he believed the island was as secure as England. He
had held a council of war, at which no doubt Morgan was required to
attend as chief adviser, and it had been decided to defend it to the
last "upon his own credit" as neither the King nor the colony had any
money. The fortifications were being strengthened accordingly as far as
his means would admit.

    "This noise of war," he continued, "makes me more strict in
    observing the Peace, people being too apt to wish for a rupture
    to satisfy their own particular designs, and I cannot think it
    is for the Spaniards' interest to break it lest we should bring
    the war again into their own quarters. I will never do this
    without positive instructions for I had rather maintain the
    charge of the whole nation in Jamaica than of one ambassador in
    the Tower, though I am told it will check these people mightily
    to know that they must only fight like baited bears within the
    length of their chain."[294]

Before the year had ended he wrote again to say that the Spaniards might
indeed ruin Port Royal, but it would be utterly impossible for them to
retake Jamaica, and once more requested definite instructions in event
of hostilities and whether he should employ the French to harass them.

    "Possibly they [the Spaniards] may come to connive at a little
    underhand trade," he wrote, "whereby they get more than we. I
    believe it may be better than a public and open trade which
    would infallibly destroy what we have with Spain. But should it
    be impossible to steal into any kind of correspondence with
    them, I yet conceive it is against the island's interest to make
    war. People have not married, built, or settled as they would in
    peace; some for fear of being destroyed, others have got much
    and suddenly by privateers' bargains and are gone. War carries
    away all freemen, labourers, and planters of provisions, which
    makes work and victuals dear and scarce. Privateering encourages
    all manner of disorder and dissoluteness, and if it succeed,
    does but enrich the worst sort of people, and provoke and alarm
    the Spaniards, constraining them to arm and fortify, so that it
    will be difficult to take any considerable place when the King
    has design or people to do it. When Sir Thomas Modyford came
    here, there were 3,500 in the militia, and now not above 3,300.
    They may judge that there have been lost and left planting in
    the designs of the Windward Isles, Curacao, Oxford, Porto Bello,
    Granada, and Panama about 2,600, besides those carried off and
    lost in particular vessels, and these are the bravest sort of
    people; so that war will infinitely retard the settlement of the
    Island, which makes me wish that peace may be preserved here,
    according to the treaty at Madrid, though we should break with
    them in Europe, as it seems to be feared. The Spaniards seem
    inclinable to peace, but rather out of fear than love."[295]

Lynch had appointed the noted Captain Lawrence Prince to be one of his
lieutenants, wishing, he said, to make it plain that the privateersmen
were willing to serve the King. He urged very strongly the expediency of
encouraging the traffic in logwood, asserting that the English had been
engaged in this for years, that the wood was cut in desolate and
uninhabited places, that the right to cut it was confirmed by treaty
with Spain by which the Dutch and French were excluded, that it would
facilitate the recall of the privateers, who had been engaged in
hostilities with the Spaniards, and finally that it gave employment to a
hundred sail of ships annually, and increased the revenue from customs
and the trade of the nation more than any of the other English colonies
in America.[296]

On December 1 writs were issued for the election of members to form a
House of Assembly, which had not been convened for seven years, during
which the government had been carried on by the governor with the
occasional advice of the Council, and for part of that time under
martial law, when invasion seemed probable. A number of temporary acts
were passed at the ensuing session, which were forwarded to England, but
none of them received the royal approval before they expired.

The prospect of a third war with Holland, arising from an embittered
controversy over the execution of the treaty of Breda, induced the
ministry to take further measures to conciliate the court of Spain, and
instructions were sent to Lynch to place Morgan under arrest as a
prisoner of state. He deferred obeying them for some time, fearing that
if he did, this act might "make all the privateersmen apprehend they
should be so dealt with, notwithstanding the King's proclamation of
pardon. However," he explained, "I shall send him home so as he shall
not be very much disgusted, yet the order obeyed, and the Spaniards
satisfied. I cannot do it now, for he is sick and there is no
opportunity. To speak the truth of him he's an honest brave fellow, and
had both Sir Thomas Modyford's and the Council's commission and
instructions, which they thought he obeyed and followed so well that
they gave him public thanks, which is recorded in the Council books.
However, it must be confessed that the privateers did divers barbarous
acts, which they lay to the Vice-Admiral's charge."[297]

[Illustration: Replica of Four Pages of "Hollantze Mercurius"]

The Spanish ministers had renewed their insistent complaints against the
late governor of Jamaica for piracy, "very grievous and barbarous", and
their ambassador in London tirelessly importuned the King and Cabinet
for reparation and the severe punishment of the chief offenders. In the
minds of English officials their natural irritation over this
"unseasonable event" was not unmingled with admiration and national
pride in the performance of Morgan's "unparalleled exploit". John Evelyn
recorded in his diary that letters from Sir Thomas Modyford concerning
the "expedition and exploit of Coll. Morgan and others of Jamaica on the
Spanish Continent at Panama" were read at the Privy Council on the 29th
of June, 1671. Under date of the 18th of August he made this further
note:

    "The letters of Sir Tho. Modiford were read giving relation of
    the exploit at Panama, which was very brave, they tooke, burnt,
    and pillag'd the towne of vast treasures but the best of the
    booty had ben shipp'd off and lay at anchor in the South Sea, so
    that after our men had rang'd the country for 60 miles about,
    they went back to Nombre de Dios, and embarq'd for Jamaica. Such
    an action had not ben done since the famous Drake."

Yet it was felt that some ostensibly vigorous action must be taken to
appease the injured Spaniards. Sir Thomas Modyford, on his arrival in
London, was at once confined as a state prisoner in the Tower, where he
was maintained in comfortable restraint for more than two years. He was
never brought to trial, and soon after his release was permitted to
return to Jamaica and appointed Chief Justice.

Morgan's arrest and deportation was deferred for several months. Finally
Lynch reported that the _Assistance_ had been sent to Cuba to procure
"flesh," but when she returned, would sail for England with Admiral
Morgan. He would retain the "great frigate" until another came to
relieve her, as without such a naval force the people would "neither
keep the peace nor defend themselves from pirates or from the insults of
their neighbours."[298]

In two weeks he had changed his mind, and decided to fit out the
_Welcome_ for the difficult voyage across the Atlantic.[299]

But after the lapse of a month, he wrote again to say that as soon as
the _Welcome_ came into port, she would sail with Morgan.[300]

The _Assistance_ returned from a cruise bringing in as prizes two
privateers, one English and one French, "the captains of which having
committed great violences against the Spaniard", were quickly tried as
pirates, convicted, and sentenced to die. At last on April 4, Lynch gave
written instructions to Captain John Keene, of H.M.S. _Welcome_, to sail
at once, taking on board Colonel Henry Morgan "as His Majesty's
prisoner," and Captain Francis Witherborn, who had been lately sentenced
to death for piracy. He was directed to take under convoy the _Lyon_ of
Bristol, the pink, _Providence_, of London, and the dogger-boat,
_Johanna_, to touch at the first port in England, send ashore his
letters, and advise Lord Arlington of his arrival.[301]

Before his departure Major General James Banister gave Morgan a friendly
letter of introduction to Lord Arlington, with whom he had had some
previous correspondence.

    "The bearer, Admiral Morgan," he said, "is sent home confined to
    the _Welcome_ frigate, to appear, as is suspected, on account of
    his proceedings against the Spaniard. I know not what
    approbation he may find there, but he received here a very high
    and honourable applause for his noble service therein, both from
    Sir Thomas Modyford and the Council that commissioned him. I
    hope without offence I may say he is a very well deserving
    person, and one of great courage and conduct, who may, with his
    Majesty's pleasure, perform good public service at home or be
    very advantageous to this island, if war should again break
    forth with the Spaniard. I request your Lordship's assistance
    that he may obtain his Majesty's favour in this business, and
    your Lordship will thereby pacify the suspicions of the Council
    that they shall likewise be questioned about his
    commission."[302]

Richard Browne had applied without success for a passage in the same
ship and remained in Jamaica "to be tyrannized over". He felt greatly
aggrieved, and vented his disappointment in an angry letter to Secretary
Williamson.

    "I cannot find myself in any way obliged to Admiral Morgan," he
    wrote, "for if he had been just to his word I had come off, but
    God grant that he may find as few friends as I; but mine and
    others' gold in his pocket may do something. I find myself
    little obliged to Captain Keene of the _Welcome_, a span new
    captain of the last edition, who denied me a passage to
    England."[303]

Alarmed for his own safety by Morgan's arrest, his Vice-Admiral, Captain
Edward Collier, sold his estate and attempted to abscond from Jamaica.

Captain Keene wrote from Spithead on July 4 that his two prisoners were
still on board the _Welcome_, "but much tried with their long
confinement, especially Colonel Morgan, who is very sickly."[304]

Influential friends in England were not idle in Morgan's interest, for
in August Secretary Williamson received a letter from William Morgan, a
deputy lieutenant for the county of Monmouth, "desiring his favour in
behalf of Colonel Henry Morgan of Jamaica, a relation and formerly a
neighbour, sent over to answer some miscarriage in his Majesty's service
in the Spanish territory, as I have a very good character of him, and in
the management of the late business to Panama he behaved with as much
prudence, fidelity, and resolution as could be reasonably expected and
at his return his services were approved by the then Governor and
Council and thanks ordered him and all good men would be troubled if a
person of his loyalty and consideration as to his Majesty's affairs in
those parts should fall for want of friends to assist him."[305]

There is doubt whether any restraint was imposed upon him after landing
in England. The statement which has been made that he was confined in
the Tower is probably untrue, as his name cannot be found in its
records. Some significance may be attached to the fact that on the 4th
of April, 1672, a warrant was issued to Roger L'Estrange, to suppress
and hinder the publication containing an account of "the late attempt
upon Panama by certain of his Majesty's subjects."[306]

England had declared war against Holland in March. France had done the
same on April 6. But the allies had not gained any very notable success.
Once more the safety of Jamaica seemed to be imperilled. Lynch soon
addressed the King in a gloomy strain, stating that he "feared all may
be lost if we have not a frigate or two to defend the island. It is
impossible to raise privateers against the Dutch that have neither
country nor merchants to take."[307]

Ships of the Royal Navy could not be sent for its protection. The
services of the experienced and skilful leader who possessed the ability
to rally the privateers seemed much needed in those seas. Morgan's
advice had certainly been requested in confidence within a year, as
under the date of the 1st of August, 1673, he submitted a memorandum to
the King, saying that in obedience to "his commands and promise
concerning Jamaica", through Lord Arlington, he had set down what he
thought needful for the security of that island. He requested that a
fifth-rate frigate should be assigned to transport him, and that the
merchants should be granted permission to send a ship of 26 guns with a
crew of only thirty men, one-third of them foreigners, to convey the
necessary supplies at "a very easy rate". He asked that twenty iron
guns, being ten demi-culverins and ten whole culverins,[308] should be
furnished to arm new batteries at Port Royal, together with powder,
shot, and other necessary supplies. These guns and munitions, he
declared, were required at once for the preservation of the chief
harbour and magazine of the island.[309]

The customary delay occurred in taking action upon his recommendations,
perhaps from want of means. But on the 23rd of January, 1674, Lord
Arlington informed the Council for Trade and Plantations that the King
had appointed the Earl of Carlisle Governor of Jamaica, and Colonel
Henry Morgan as his Deputy Governor, and commanded them to consider and
report what commission, powers, and instructions should be given to
those officers. Two months later drafts of a commission and instructions
were prepared and approved for Colonel Morgan as deputy governor of
Jamaica and commander-in-chief within that island during pleasure, with
the same powers during the absence of the governor as were granted to
him, and "all powers, dignities, profits, and advantages belonging to
the place of deputy governor." He was instructed to proceed to Jamaica
with all convenient speed; in the absence of the governor to call
together the Council and cause his commission, as well as that of the
governor-in-chief to be solemnly published; to take the oaths of
allegiance and supremacy and an oath for the due execution of his
office; and, in the absence of the governor, to do such things as by the
King's instructions, the governor was empowered to do. These
instructions seem to have been drafted by the skilled hand of the
philosopher John Locke, who was then secretary of the Council of Trade
and Plantations, with the special object of providing for the prolonged
absence of the governor.

In fact, the Earl of Carlisle had declined to accept that appointment.
But on the 3rd April, 1674, letters patent were unexpectedly issued
appointing John, Lord Vaughan, Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in
his place. He was the second son of the Earl of Carbery, who lived in
great state at Golden Grove, near Dynevor. His father had been an active
royalist in the early years of the Civil War and had acted as the King's
Lieutenant-General for South Wales and in consequence had been impeached
by the House of Commons "for being in arms against the Parliament and
King." Edward Morgan had served under him as Colonel-General. Lord
Vaughan had been carefully educated as a boy under the tutorage of
Jeremy Taylor, who found a quiet retreat in his father's house for
several years during which he had written some of his most famous books.
After studying at Oxford the young man went to court after the
restoration, and at the age of twenty-one was knighted by Charles II. In
the same year he was elected as a member of the House of Commons for the
borough of Carmarthen. He held the seat for nine years, and on the death
of his elder brother had succeeded to the courtesy title of Lord
Vaughan.[310]

Little record of Morgan's residence in England has been found beyond a
single entry in Evelyn's diary. Under date of 20th September, 1674, he
wrote:

    "At Lord Berkeley's I discoursed with Sir Thomas Modiford, late
    Governor of Jamaica, and with Col. Morgan, who undertooke that
    gallant exploit from Nombre de Dios to Panama on the Continent
    of America; he told me 10,000 men would easily conquer all the
    Spanish Indies they were so secure. They tooke great booty, and
    much greater had ben taken, had they not ben betraied and so
    discovered before their approch by which the Spaniards had time
    to carry their vast treasure on board ships that put off to sea
    in sight of our men, who had no boates to follow. They set fire
    to Panama, and ravaged the country for 60 miles about. The
    Spaniards were so supine and unexercis'd, that they were afraid
    to fire a greate gun."

On the first intimation of hostilities with Holland, Lynch began the
construction of another redoubt for the defence of Port Royal, which he
named Fort James in honour of the Lord High Admiral. In May, 1673, he
had issued writs for the election of a new House of Assembly, which,
after sitting a few days, was abruptly dissolved, as a majority of its
members declined to vote money for the completion of the fortifications
at Port Royal.[311]

Letters-of-marque were issued against Holland, and an active campaign
against pirates was carried on by two ships of the Royal Navy. Several
ships suspected of piracy were taken by the _Assistance_ and _Portland_
frigates, and the captain of one of these, a Dutchman named Jansen, was
convicted and hanged, being, it was said, "the only Privateer, who ever
suffered for all the Murther, Rapine, and Violence those dissolute
People have committed on the Spaniards."[312]

An armed ship, the _Thomas and Francis_, Captain George Gallop, hired
and manned by the governor, in company with the privateer, _Flying
Horse_, captured a Dutch ship with 544 negro slaves on board, which an
anonymous eulogist of Lynch declared "were more beneficial to the island
than all the Prizes brought to it."[313]

At his command also two surveyors "ran a Chain round the island", and at
the end of his administration the value of land was said to have
increased five-fold.[314]

Private reports of Morgan's favourable reception in England were at
length received in Jamaica and caused Lynch considerable vexation, as
he had received no official intimation of any change in the policy of
the government. This feeling he did not hesitate to express very
distinctly.

    "The Spaniards expect the galleons in two or three months," he
    wrote late in November, 1674, "with 20 Biscaniers, Ostenders,
    and Flushingers, which are likely to clear the Indies of all
    that infest them. One of the reasons of their coming is the
    noise of the Admiral's favour at Court and return to the Indies,
    which much alarmed the Spaniards and caused the King to be at
    vast charges fortifying in the South Seas. . . . The island has
    improved these last three years to a marvel, and the people are
    as contented as the English can be. Many wish my continuance but
    not myself. None can come to this Government with such joy as I
    shall quit it, for the discountenance I have had in England has
    not only disheartened me, but disabled me from serving the King
    as I ought. I wonder that I have not been made acquainted with
    Lord Vaughan's coming that I might have done all that is
    possible for his reception, for provision is not suddenly made,
    and Admiral Morgan's letters have long since declared first Lord
    Carlisle, then himself for Governor; others, Lord Vaughan, or
    Sir Ed. Ford, and by this ship a letter says a stop was put to
    Lord Vaughan's and Lieut.-General Morgan's Commissions."[315]

The population of the island had slightly increased, and he reported
that the white inhabitants numbered 7,768, besides 800 seamen employed
in privateers. There were 9,504 negroes. He sent the Secretary of State
a pot of sugar, as a sample of its chief product, with an account of the
method of cultivating the cane and the process of manufacture.

Early in November his commission as Lieutenant-Governor was formally
revoked, without any previous notice having been given to him. Three
days later a new commission was issued to Colonel Henry Morgan as
Lieutenant-Governor of the island of Jamaica during His Majesty's
pleasure, empowering him, in case of the absence or death of Lord
Vaughan, to execute all powers formerly granted him in his commission
issued in April, "His Majesty reposing particular confidence in his
loyalty, prudence, and courage, and long experience of that
colony."[316]

Soon afterwards the honour of knighthood was conferred on him, as was
customary on the appointment of an untitled person as governor or
lieutenant-governor of an important colony.[317]

A nearly contemporary writer was responsible for the frequently repeated
assertion that his enforced residence in England so far from being as
fortunate as it appeared, was in reality the cause of his prolonged ill
health in after life.

    "Without being Charged with any Crime, or ever brought to a
    Hearing, he was kept here at his own great Expence above Three
    years, not only to the wasting of some thousands he was then
    worth, but to the hindrance of his Planting, and improvement of
    his Fortune by his Industry, towards which none in that place
    was in a greater way: So that under those difficulties and the
    perpetual Malice of a prevailing Court-Faction, he wasted the
    remaining part of his life, opprest not only by those but by a
    lingring Consumption, the Coldness of this Climate and his
    vexations had brought him into, when he was forced to stay
    here."[318]

[Footnote 271: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
484, Sir James Modyford to Joseph Williamson, 18th April, 1671; _ibid._,
No. 534, from the same to the same, 18th May, 1671.]

[Footnote 272: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
513, Don Gaspero de Arteaga to Sir Thomas Modyford, 30th April, 1671.]

[Footnote 273: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Instructions to Sir Thomas Lynch, 31st December, 1670.]

[Footnote 274: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
405, The King to Sir Thomas Lynch, 5th January, 1671.]

[Footnote 275: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
358, Extract of a letter from Jamaica, 15th December, 1670.]

[Footnote 276: Narcissus Luttrell, _Diary_, Vol. I; Beeston, _Journal_.]

[Footnote 277: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
705, Deposition of Henry Morgan, 21st December, 1671.]

[Footnote 278: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
578, 7th June, 1671.]

[Footnote 279: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
573, i, An account of the profits accrued to Sir Thomas Modyford by
being Governor of Jamaica.]

[Footnote 280: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
704, undated.]

[Footnote 281: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
704, iii and iv.]

[Footnote 282: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
704, v.]

[Footnote 283: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Modyford to Arlington, 23rd September, 1670; N. B. Livingston, _Sketch
Pedigrees of early Jamaican Settlers_, pp. 96-107.]

[Footnote 284: N. B. Livingston, _Sketch Pedigrees of Early Settlers in
Jamaica_, pp. 107-132.]

[Footnote 285: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
339, Petition of officers, freeholders, and inhabitants of Jamaica to
the King, 9th November, 1671.]

[Footnote 286: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
572, Richard Browne to Joseph Williamson, 6th July, 1671.]

[Footnote 287: _Calendar of State Papers, Domestic_, 1st July, 1671, pp.
353-4.]

[Footnote 288: _Calendar of State Papers, Domestic_, 19th August, 1671,
Newsletter to William Scawen.]

[Footnote 289: Calen_dar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
580, Sir Thomas Lynch to Lord Arlington, 2nd July, 1671.]

[Footnote 290: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
599, Lynch to Williamson, 7th July, 1671.]

[Footnote 291: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 604, Lynch to Arlington,
20th August, 1671.]

[Footnote 292: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 608, Browne to
Williamson, 21 August, 1671.]

[Footnote 293: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
633, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 21st September, 1671.]

[Footnote 294: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
683, Lynch to Arlington, 29th November, 1671.]

[Footnote 295: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
697, Lynch to Arlington, 17th December, 1671.]

[Footnote 296: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
pp. 101-2.]

[Footnote 297: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
697, Lynch to Arlington, 17th December, 1671.]

[Footnote 298: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
729, Lynch to Williamson, 13th January, 1672.]

[Footnote 299: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
742, Lynch to Williamson, 27th January, 1672.]

[Footnote 300: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Lynch to Williamson, No. 776, 7th March, 1672.]

[Footnote 301: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
794, Instructions to Capt. John Keene, 4th April, 1672.]

[Footnote 302: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
789, Banister to Arlington, 30th March, 1672.]

[Footnote 303: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
798, Browne to Williamson, 4th April, 1672.]

[Footnote 304: _Calendar of State Papers, Domestic_, Keene to Lord
Clifford.]

[Footnote 305: _Calendar of State Papers, Domestic_, William Morgan to
Williamson, August, 1672, p. 451.]

[Footnote 306: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1061.]

[Footnote 307: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
887, Lynch to the King, 6th July, 1674.]

[Footnote 308: A culverin threw a shot weighing 17 pounds; a
demi-culverin threw a shot weighing 9 1/3 pounds, John Smith, "A Sea
Grammar", quoted by George Penn, _Memorials_ of Sir Wm. Penn, I, p.
542.]

[Footnote 309: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1125.]

[Footnote 310: _Dictionary of National Biography_, Article on John
Vaughan; A. G. Bradley, _Highways and Byways in South Wales_, pp.
169-170; Gosse, _Jeremy Taylor_, p. 35.]

[Footnote 311: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
pp. 104-5.]

[Footnote 312: _The Present State of Jamaica_, London, Malthus, 1683, p.
43; Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II, pp. 104,
108.]

[Footnote 313: _The Present State of Jamaica_, London, Malthus, 1683, p.
43; Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II, pp. 104,
108.]

[Footnote 314: _The Present State of Jamaica_, London, Malthus, 1683, p.
43; Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II, pp. 104,
108.]

[Footnote 315: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1389, Lynch to Williamson, 20th November, 1674.]

[Footnote 316: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1374, Revocation of Sir Thos. Lynch's Commission, 3rd November, 1674;
No. 1379, Commission to Colonel Henry Morgan, 6th November, 1674.]

[Footnote 317: C. E. Long in his memoir of Morgan states that "he
received an additional proof of that monarch's approbation in the
present of a snuff-box with the portrait of Charles set in diamonds and
which is now [1832] in the possession of the descendant of one of Lady
Morgan's sisters", _Gentleman's Magazine_, March, 1832.]

[Footnote 318: _An Historical Account of the Rise and Growth of the West
India Colonies, and of the Great Advantages they are to England._ [By
Sir Thomas Dalby] London. Printed for Jo. Hindmarsh at the Golden-Ball,
over against the Royal Exchange, 1690, p. 42.]




  CHAPTER VIII

  THE QUARREL WITH LORD VAUGHAN


On the 8th of January, 1675, Morgan sailed from the Downs in the
_Jamaica Merchant_, commanded by Joseph Knapman, having on board the
guns and munitions intended for the defence of Port Royal. The captain
had received instructions to keep in company with the frigate,
_Foresight_, conveying Lord Vaughan and his suite, but had so much
trouble in weighing anchor that that ship was lost sight of at the
Foreland and not again seen. Ten days later Knapman fell in with a large
fleet of English merchantmen under convoy bound for the Mediterranean,
and then steered, as he believed, on the most direct course for the West
Indies. On February 25 his ship ran aground on a reef near the Isle  la
Vache when, Morgan afterwards declared, all on board must certainly have
perished had he not known where they were. Knapman reported that "he
knew not what evil genius led him there and never was any man more
surprised considering the course they had steered." The passengers and
crew succeeded in getting ashore but the ship soon became a total wreck
with the loss of its valuable lading. In a few days, a Jamaican
privateer, commanded by an old comrade, Captain Thomas Rogers, then
sailing under French colours with a French letter-of-marque against
Spain, arrived at that island and took Morgan and his companions to Port
Royal, where they landed early in March.

Learning then that Lord Vaughan had not arrived and that nothing had
been heard from him, a meeting of the Council was held at Morgan's
request, which was attended by Lynch and six other members. Morgan was
present and the document revoking Lynch's commission was read. A
resolution was then passed, declaring the opinion of the Council that
Sir Henry Morgan had been constituted Lieutenant-Governor of Jamaica
under the King's Sign Manual and by a clause in the said revocation
under the Great Seal was sufficiently vested with authority to assume
the government. Lynch at once demitted the administration to him and an
order was made for the publication of a proclamation announcing that
fact, and continuing all officers, civil and military, in their
respective employments until further notice. Morgan reported the loss of
the _Jamaica Merchant_ and cargo at Isle  la Vache, and another order
was promptly passed for sending sloops and boats to the scene of the
wreck to attempt the recovery of the guns and other public
property.[319]

Four days later, as the governor had not yet come, a second meeting of
the Council was convened and attended by the same members, at which an
order was made that the Great Seal of the Island should be placed in
Morgan's hands as the present commander-in-chief of the forces.[320]

Lord Vaughan arrived at Port Royal on March 14. Morgan stated in an
official letter that he had been received with all imaginable respect.
The cannon of the forts had fired a royal salute, and he was entertained
at the King's House with a "splendid dinner". Next day his commission
was read in public by Peter Beckford, the secretary of the colony, and
the governor was "nobly entertained" by the commandant of the forts,
Colonel Theodore Cary. On March 16 Vaughan drove in state from the wharf
at Passage Fort to Spanish Town, accompanied by most of the gentry in
their coaches, and at night was once more entertained at "a most
splendid dinner", by Sir Thomas Modyford, who had also returned to
Jamaica. On the following day the Council met and his commission was
again publicly read. An account of the revenue was demanded from Sir
Thomas Lynch.

    This, Morgan reported, "was found very short, and likewise His
    Majesty's stores so exhausted that there was found in all the
    stores but fourteen barrels of powder, which on occasion would
    not last three hours. Nevertheless," he continued, "that shall
    not daunt me, for before I shall lose his Majesty's
    Fortifications, I will lose myself and a great many brave men
    more that will stand and fall by me in his Majesty's service;
    though they grumble much that their powder has been sold to the
    Spaniards by the late Governor. His Excellency next convened an
    Assembly for the 26th inst. (April) which gives general
    satisfaction. The face of all things is most changed, and things
    go but indifferently between the General and Sir Thomas Lynch;
    nor can any one blame the General for there is the greatest
    cheat in the world intended to be put on the King about Captain
    Gallop's negro prize, which was condemned to the King, but there
    has been no return to his Majesty, though above 8,000 received;
    and the General demanding the reason, Sir Thomas answered he
    kept it for Captain Gallop; but if Gallop had come he would have
    answered it was condemned to the King. To keep people in the
    dark there was no registry kept of the fees of the condemnation,
    and contrary to all custom she was condemned when without
    command."[321]

War had been declared by France against Spain on the 19th of October,
1674, and when this became known several Jamaican privateers had
obtained letters-of-marque from d'Ogeron, the enterprising and tactful
governor of Tortuga. Some of these men were scarcely distinguishable
from pirates, but wished to give their operations a colour of legality.
It mattered little to them what flag they sailed under. Spanish ships,
warehouses, and churches offered them the richest and most tempting
spoil. It suited them particularly well to carry at the same time an
English commission against Holland and a French commission against
Spain. Port Royal was the best place to dispose of their prizes and
refit their ships. Some valuable ships taken from the Dutch had been
brought in there by them for adjudication by Lynch as Vice-Admiral. But
a treaty of peace between England and Holland had been concluded on the
19th of February, 1674, although it was not proclaimed in Jamaica until
several months had elapsed. The dual activity of these privateers had
created a very unsatisfactory situation.

In Lord Vaughan's commission the powers of the governor had been
considerably enlarged. A council to be composed of twelve persons was
appointed. He was empowered to suspend or expel its members, and in case
of vacancies to fill them to the number of nine. He was given the power
of a veto on the enactment of laws and authority to dissolve the House
of Assembly at discretion.

At the next meeting of the Council Lynch asked an extension of the term
allowed him to complete his account of arms and munitions owing to the
sickness of the commandant of the forts. This was granted, and Sir Henry
Morgan, Colonel William Beeston, and Lieut.-Colonel Robert Byndloss were
named as a committee to audit his statement. Lord Vaughan appointed Sir
Thomas Modyford to be chief justice. The secretary reported a dispute
between the governor and Sir Thomas Lynch over the sale of Captain
Gallop's prize of negroes taken from the Dutch.[322]

A deposition having been made before a magistrate concerning the
execution of several Englishmen as pirates at Havana in 1674, Vaughan
ordered that it should again be sworn to before Morgan and two other
commissioners of the Admiralty in the presence of some Spanish prisoners
brought in by a French man-of-war, who were interrogated and admitted
that the greater part of it was true to their own knowledge.[323]

Reports were received from Tortuga that the French there were again
assembling a fleet and a great body of men for a invasion of some of the
Spanish possessions, and from Santiago de Cuba that the Queen Regent of
Spain had ordered the governor of that town to send her immediate notice
of the arrival of Sir Thomas Modyford and Sir Henry Morgan in Jamaica.
Information was received about the same time that a ship owned in
Jamaica, laden with logwood from Campeachy, had been taken by the
Spaniards and carried into San Domingo.

The House of Assembly passed resolutions advising that the
Captain-General should reside at St. Jago (Spanish Town) and the
Lieutenant-General at Port Royal and that Vaughan should be paid a
salary of 2,000 per annum and Sir Henry Morgan should receive 600 "for
his good service during his Lieutenant-Governorship but none of his
successors."[324]

Vaughan soon settled his dispute with Lynch but became much displeased
with Morgan, whom he fiercely assailed in his letters to England. To
Secretary Williamson he wrote in care of Lynch, whom he described as his
friend, "being very well satisfied with his prudent government and
conduct of affairs." He recommended that the Minister should refer to
him for particulars of all that had occurred since his landing, as well
as "of the unlucky shipwreck of Sir Henry Morgan and loss of the King's
stores occasioned by his particular ill conduct and willful breach of
his positive and written orders, and his behaviour and weakness since
the meeting of the Assembly, which, with other follies, have so tired me
that I am perfectly weary of him and think it for the King's service
that he should be removed and the charge of so useless an officer
saved."[325]

He added that what he had objected to in England was not Morgan's
appointment but the division of the command, which he believed, would
cause discord. He said that he had written to all the King's Ministers
informing them "of the truth of this miscarriage, which he believed both
the King and the Duke of York would greatly resent. If the King would
grant him authority to appoint a proper deputy to act in the case of his
absence or death, subject to the royal approval, reviving a privilege
possessed by Lord Windsor, he would recommend Sir Thomas Lynch in
preference to any other person."

Lynch also was much aggrieved by his supercession and exerted all his
considerable influence to damage Morgan.

Writing a few days later to the governor of Portsmouth, Vaughan boldly
asserted that the King's stores had been lost

    "through the folly or madness of Sir H. Morgan, being
    shipwrecked on the shoals of Isla de Vaca. In the Downs I gave
    him orders in writing to keep me company and in no case to be
    separated from me but by stress of weather; however he, God
    knows by what fate, coveting to be here before me, wilfully lost
    me, but afterwards met with Sir R. Strickland who was following
    our course, being convoy to the Straits fleet, but after six
    hours sail as soon as he got sea-room sailed directly for Isla,
    whereas we lay by expecting 5 or 6 days, till divers of Sir
    Roger's fleet came up with us. I have sent the Commissioners of
    the Navy the master's journal which confirms this, besides the
    discourse Sir Harry made in London, and was wrote some gentlemen
    here, that he intended to come hither before me."[326]

The war between France and Holland was still going on, and in the West
Indies the French were decidedly getting the worst of it, as on July 15,
the Dutch Admiral Binks swooped down on the port of Petit Goaves in
Hispaniola and destroyed all the ships in the harbour. The Jamaican
privateers had dispersed, some settling quietly as planters, others
engaging in the logwood trade. A few of the most adventurous were still
cruising against the Spaniards and Dutch with French commissions, while
some had wandered off to New England, and had joined the colonists there
in their war with King Philip.[327]

Learning that some of these privateers, to whom he had granted
letters-of-marque against the Spaniards, were stealthily selling their
prize-goods in Jamaica, d'Ogeron gave a power of attorney to Robert
Byndloss, Morgan's brother-in-law, instructing him to collect from them
the sums claimed by him as a _droit_ of the Admiral of France.[328]

Not long afterwards Morgan imprudently wrote a letter to one of his
former subordinates assuring him a welcome in any harbour of the
island, where he would receive all the privileges he could expect from
him.[329] Both these papers in some way came into the hands of the
governor, who used them as evidence of improper conduct.

In the course of the summer Lord Vaughan was instructed to appoint
Morgan a member of the Executive Council in the place of Major-General
Banister, deceased.[330] This seems to have increased his enmity. He
wrote at once to the Secretary of State, inquiring what action had been
taken on his former complaints against Morgan, which he renewed.

    "I am every day more convinced of his imprudence and unfitness
    to have anything to do with the Civil Government, and of what
    hazards the Island may run in so dangerous a succession," he
    said. "Sir Henry has made himself and his authority so cheap at
    the Port, drinking and gaming in the taverns, that I intend to
    remove there speedily myself for the reputation of the Island
    and the security of that place, though I pretend it is only to
    change the air, having lately had a fever. His Majesty's speedy
    resolution on what I have proposed would exceedingly satisfy all
    the sober and wealthy people, who are very doubtful of what may
    happen in case of my death or absence; in all else they are
    fully satisfied and everybody is bent on planting, which will be
    much improved by the arrival of these people from Surinam."[331]

By the recent treaty with Holland the English colony of Surinam had been
exchanged for the Dutch colony of the New Netherlands, which was then
given the name of New York. All the English settlers in Surinam who
decided to remove, were offered lands in Jamaica, and the governor had
been instructed to allot each of them double the quantity of land
usually granted to an ordinary settler. A considerable tract of land had
been reserved for them in the southeastern district of the parish of St.
Elizabeth, which is still known as "Surinam Quarters". Forty families
arrived in a single ship in September, and these were followed a week
later by no less than eleven hundred immigrants.[332]

In his reply Williamson prudently advised Vaughan to adjust his
differences with Morgan, and stated his intention of giving Morgan the
same advice.[333]

The records of the Council show that the instructions for the admission
of Morgan were read in December, when he was introduced and sworn. At
the same meeting orders were read from the King to the governor,
directing him to recall all privateers who had taken commissions from
the French against Spain. A proclamation to that effect was prepared and
approved. A report, made about the same time, stated that there were
eleven of such ships, aggregating a thousand tons and carrying one
hundred and fifty guns, besides twenty sloops of fifteen or twenty tons
each, engaged in the logwood trade.[334]

Secretary Beckford described the unrelenting hostility of the Spaniards
in a confidential letter.

    "My Lord's great trouble is to carry himself even with the
    Spaniards, for they are daily taking all the ships they can
    master, and are very high, for when his Lordship sent to demand
    satisfaction, they answered they would look upon us as enemies
    and take all they came up with; and truly were not the French
    from Tortudas daily galling them with privateers, we should
    conclude ourselves in some danger, though if they had war I
    would not question by carrying it to their doors we should
    sufficiently defend our own. The French would prove very ill
    neighbours in war and much more dangerous than the Spaniards. As
    to the present state of the Island, no place the King has is
    more like to thrive, for they increase in planting to a miracle;
    I guess the number of planters to be about 3,000 . . . The
    Spaniards have shown such tricks in taking our vessels that we
    dare not adventure amongst them for trade . . . Our privateers
    have mostly employed themselves in the Bay of Campeachy to fetch
    logwood."[335]

According to another contemporary statement from a person of some
authority, not less than thirty ships owned in Jamaica had been taken
recently by the Spaniards on one pretext or another.[336]

A second large tract of crown lands adjacent to that allotted to the
Surinam colonists was set aside for allotment, to induce the privateers
who decided to obey the governor's proclamation and return from their
rovings to become peaceful planters. This was known for many years as
"Privateer Quarters," and a stream flowing through it into Cabaritta Bay
still bears the name of Morgan's River. Morgan, himself, secured a grant
of "meadow, pasture or woodland, or whatsoever land the same is,
situate, lyeing and being in St. Elizabeth's parish conteyning by
estimation ffour thousand Acres, bounding North Westerly on William
Thorpe and the Easternmost River, North Easterly on unpossest land, and
North West on Joseph Peeters," for which he was required to pay the
usual annual rent of one halfpenny per acre on "the feast of St. Michael
the Arch Angell," and the twentieth part of the annual "proffitts" of
all mines granted or found on the land. The patent was dated on the 29th
of September, 1676, and the lands therein granted seem to be the tract
marked on Bontein's map of 1753 as "Morgan's Savana".[337]

The Minutes of the Council relate that at a meeting held on the 23rd of
January, 1676, and attended by Lord Vaughan, Sir Henry Morgan, and six
other members, Morgan reported the "unhandsome and misbeseeming words"
which Colonel William Ivey, also a member of the Council, had used to
the governor in his own house, and asked that he should be ordered to
appear at the next meeting. No further reference was made to this
singular complaint, and the subject seems to have been allowed to
drop.[338]

The Court of Vice-Admiralty was re-organized with Morgan, Beeston, and
Byndloss as its three members. There is evidence that in addition to the
performance of his duties as president of this Court at this time,
Morgan frequently attended the regular and special sessions of the
magistrates, and took depositions as a justice of the peace. There is
practically no record of his activity as a planter, which appears to
have been considerable.[339]

Peter Beckford once more reported that the governor had taken all
possible care for maintaining peace with the Spaniards, "though", he
added, "they are not so careful on their parts, but they have been very
troublesome lately to our logwood men; if that trade were encouraged it
would employ all our privateers, who otherwise will be committing
piracies on the Spaniards for they cannot work." He roughly estimated
the population of the colony as being about five thousand fighting men,
about double that number of women and children, and perhaps three times
as many negroes.[340]

On February 2nd, Morgan acknowledged the receipt of a missing letter
from Sir Joseph Williamson, evidently asking for information. He
regretted his inability to comply, saying that the little share he was
allowed to take in the administration made him incapable of giving any
accurate account of the condition of the island, as the governor had not
yet been pleased to give him liberty to see it, and with respect to
correspondence with their neighbours, the French and Spaniards, Lord
Vaughan had absolutely prohibited it, and "having ever loved obedience
to his superiors", he would not presume to disobey the governor, but if
the Minister considered it to be for the King's service, as he himself
was disposed to believe, he begged that he might receive orders, and he
would then labour all that he could to fulfill them.[341]

At a meeting of the whole Council held two weeks later an order was made
for the publication of the Articles of War and the enrolment and arming
of all persons liable for military duty, which seemed to indicate alarm
of hostilities. In a subsequent letter to Sir Joseph Williamson, who
had become Secretary of State, Peter Beckford remarked that "some
difference" existed between the governor and Sir Henry Morgan, but he
could not judge whose fault it was, yet he ventured to affirm that Lord
Vaughan had "hitherto behaved himself so well that no one could lay the
least blame." He added that Vaughan was then removing from Spanish Town
to Port Royal, where he supposed his presence would enable him to hinder
the privateers from going out and taking French commissions against the
Spaniards.[342]

Soon after the governor peremptorily ordered the confiscation of a ship,
for having landed merchandise without making an entry at the custom
house as directed in the Acts of Navigation. "Truly," observed Beckford,
"my Lord uses all possible means to suppress privateers."[343]

An English ship laden with three hundred negroes taken on board at
Angola without a licence from the Royal African Company was also seized
by his command and brought as a prize into Port Royal, where a libel was
filed for her condemnation in the Court of Admiralty. The action was
dismissed and the suit was taken for trial to the Court of Common Pleas,
by order of the governor, with whom Morgan thus again came into
conflict.

Vaughan replied in an aggrieved tone to Williamson's letter advising him
to cultivate friendly relations with Morgan. He said that he knew not
what complaints Sir Henry might make against him, yet he would never be
influenced by any personal dislikes, but would endeavour to do his duty
faithfully and advise the Minister of those who failed to do theirs.
Therefore he had given his opinion of the cause of the loss of the
public stores by shipwreck, and had placed the blame where he was
certain the fault lay. He could justly complain, he declared, of
Morgan's great ingratitude and disingenuity in having written many false
and malicious letters about him, though he was certain that the
government in England would not be deceived by them. "What I most
resent, and which I consider as part of my duty to lay before your
Honour," he said, "is that I find Sir Henry, contrary to his duty and
trust, endeavours to set up privateering, and has obstructed all my
designs and purposes as to those who do use that curse of life." He had
announced by several proclamations that he would not permit "those
rapines and spoils" and that he would prosecute the offenders as pirates
if they dared to enter any port in Jamaica. They had gone to Tortuga
instead and obtained French commissions. He asserted, perhaps with some
truth, that Morgan had recommended some of them to the French governor,
that he was personally interested in their ventures, that he had ever
since corresponded with them and had placed an authority in the hands of
his brother-in-law, Robert Byndloss, to collect the tenths of their
captures for the King of France. He described his own conduct with
respect to the confiscation of the ship _St. David_, commanded by John
Deane, "who had the impertinence to come to town." He had tried him in
person, as the chief judge of the Court of Admiralty, adjudged him a
pirate, and sentenced him to death. He had no doubt that the evidence he
had already sent to Secretary Coventry would convince him of Morgan's
disobedience and unfaithfulness, and how dangerous his setting up such a
faction might prove to the welfare of the colony.[344]

All these complaints against Morgan were reiterated in a letter to Lord
Anglesey, to whom he transmitted the depositions and an exemplification
of the evidence in the trial of Deane, to satisfy him that it was
conducted according to law and consistently with all precedents in the
Court of Admiralty. Referring to Morgan he affirmed:

    "I have detected him of the most gross unfaithfulness in his
    trust and a wilful breach and obstruction of my orders, only
    because they obstructed his design of privateering." Since
    Deane had been tried he asserted that Morgan had been "so
    impudent and unfaithful at the taverns and in his own house as
    to speak some things which seemed to reflect upon my justice and
    vindicate the pirate, but the people are more prudent than to be
    led away or persuaded by seditious discourses. However, I have
    thought it my duty to lay all before the Ministers, and that my
    Deputy Governor endeavours to set up privateering, and has with
    his brother, Byndloss, encouraged the King's subjects to take
    French commissions, fitted them out to sea, and been concerned
    with them in their ships and prizes, and received a deputation
    to collect the tenths for the King of France. I suppose that the
    Ministers will not consider Sir Harry worthy of any character or
    authority, who only makes use of it for his own ends. I know
    that his imprudence and Weakness lead him a great way, but I
    believe his necessities do more, which would prove of sad
    consequence if there should be any devolution of the Government.
    It would be a great satisfaction to all honourable people in the
    Island, if they could be freed from those fears, all having
    great apprehension of his succession. His brother, Byndloss,
    agitates him in all he does. I have therefore given him no
    authority or any civil or military commission. He is a very
    turbulent fellow, some years since was surgeon of a ship, but
    never can be easy in any government. It would be a good thing if
    the Governor had a private instruction to put him out of the
    Council. I say nothing of this to any but your Lordship, as I
    know I can depend on your secrecy and friendship."[345]

A letter from Beckford shed some additional light on this subject of
controversy. It stated that after the seizure of the first ship, her
master complained that he had been robbed by pirates, when Vaughan
ordered Morgan to punish the offenders, "in which my Lord imagines he
did not act very cordially, but on the contrary let them have advice
that they might escape, and rather encouraged them, insomuch that one
John Deane told the Governor he had done wrong in the seizure, so he was
imprisoned, and at the Court of Admiralty, his Excellency sitting as
Judge, was condemned of piracy, for which the multitude complain as
wellwishers to piracy, but all of sense think it necessary, so that a
strict peace may be kept with the Spaniards."[346]

Still, there can be little doubt that Vaughan's treatment of Deane was
high-handed and illegal. Of this indeed he soon became convinced
himself.

Nearly three months after Deane's trial, Vaughan laid before the Council
definite charges against Morgan and Byndloss. His chief complaint
against Morgan was that in March, 1675, he had presumptuously made use
of the governor's name and authority without his consent in certain
letters which he had written to privateers. Copies of two letters, one
of them being from Morgan to Captain John Bennett, stating that he was
commanded by the Captain-General to acquaint all privateers, both
English and French, that they should have as much liberty in Port Royal,
as they ever had before, and that they might come thither "with
abundance of safety". The other was addressed to Captains Rogers,
Wright, Nevill, Bennett, Prynix, and all others acting under French
commissions as well as English, informing them that he had been
commanded by the General to say to them that they were welcome to the
island and should enjoy all the privileges they had ever had, that Port
Royal was free to them, and he hoped their knowledge of him would be a
sufficient guarantee that he would not deceive them. Morgan was then
called in and his answers to questions asked by the governor were
recorded.

The charges against Byndloss particularly concerned his correspondence
with d'Ogeron, respecting the collection of the tenths said to be due to
the High Admiral of France from privateer captains, who had come to
Jamaica to sell their prizes. Vaughan asserted that when he had warned
Byndloss of the impropriety of acting for a foreign power in such a
manner, he had asserted its legality, and declared that the Spaniards
had done the same at Cadiz and San Sebastian. Byndloss refused to give a
written answer and his behaviour to the governor was described as being
"rude and insolent". Vaughan then imperiously ordered the provost
marshal to take him into custody, when to avoid arrest he gave in his
defence. An order was made that a copy of the record should be sent by
the clerk to the King.[347]

The governor deemed it necessary to explain that soon after his arrival
in Jamaica, "seeing how imprudently Sir Henry did begin to act", he had
demanded copies of all the letters he had written since his coming, and
told him he ought not to have used the governor's name in them without
his orders, and that he should not have written such letters to the
privateers without acquainting him. "He believed," he said, that the
full and pregnant proofs produced before the Council "would convince the
King and Cabinet of his endeavours to do his duty." The privateers had
been "strangely encouraged by Sir Henry and Byndloss and would not be
persuaded but what they did was lawful."[348]

When he transmitted the records of the Council, Beckford took the
opportunity to remark, perhaps at the suggestion of the governor, that
Captain John Coxon, a very notable privateer, was hovering about the
coast with a French commission. "My Lord", he continued, "uses all
possible means to take him, and proclaimed mercy to all his men if they
delivered their Captain up, who was declared a pirate, but they refused,
so my Lord sent to take him, but he ran away."[349]

It is apparent that these drastic measures to prevent Jamaican
privateers from making war upon the Spaniards and Dutch under the French
flag were extremely unpopular with many of the inhabitants, who profited
by their captures, and Vaughan did not receive the whole-hearted support
he expected in England.

After a very careful examination of his proceedings against John Deane,
the Lords of Trade informed Vaughan that his trial of him was not
warranted by the laws of England, as it did not appear that pirates
should be tried _de facto_ by civil law, but by a commission of Oyer
and Terminer under the Great Seal, and they had accordingly advised the
King that his execution should be stopped and a commission issued for a
new trial.[350]

The governor replied that Deane's trial had produced a very good effect
and had been the means of reclaiming several privateers, who, he
believed, would not have otherwise come in. However, in consideration of
his great repentance, confession of his faults, and frequent petitions
for clemency, he had granted Deane a pardon under the Great Seal of the
Island, about a month before he had received their letter. "If I was not
right in the law", he added by way of apology, "no great harm is done,
it being very prudential and seasonable at that time to do what I
did."[351]

Morgan naturally lost no time in protesting warmly against the
accusations levelled at him in a letter to Secretary Coventry, in which
he asked that judgment should be suspended until the arrival in England
of the next ships sailing from Jamaica, by which he intended to send
depositions, which he hoped would establish his innocence.

    "But if His Majesty should be deaf to all and these things
    should give His Majesty occasion to put me out," he wrote, "I
    hope he will be graciously pleased to order that I may be tried
    here at the Court of King's Bench where the witnesses
    are . . . . And if ever I err in one tittle then let me ever be
    condemned for the greatest villain in the world, and as God is my
    judge and witness I have never entertained a thought in my life but
    what hath been really devoted to His Majesty's service, nor ever
    will."[352]

In a second letter he thanked Coventry effusively for "abundant
favours".

    "I can only say, it not being in my power to make my Lord prove
    it," he affirmed, "that I never since I came here writ a line to
    any of the privateers, therefore the copies sent are forged on
    purpose to my prejudice. I waited upon His Excellency expecting
    he would have warned me to appear before the Council, but he
    said nothing of it, but as I know it is false, I will, the first
    Council, myself move it and desire what is laid to my charge may
    be proved, which I know is impossible. I sucked the milk of
    loyalty and if I would have sold one little part of it, I might
    have been richer than my enemies ever will be. As for Colonel
    Byndloss, I know nothing of crime in him, but his being related
    to me, for he lives twenty miles from Port Royal, has a wife and
    five or six children, and one of the best estates in the island,
    therefore he is an understanding man and would not venture that
    hazard and estate against nothing. My unhappiness is that I
    serve a superior here that is jealous of all my actions and puts
    himself to study my ruin."[353]

The evidence of Charles Barr, who had acted for some time as Morgan's
secretary, taken before Lord Vaughan, had been forwarded. Barr had then
stated that soon after Vaughan's arrival in Jamaica, he had copied two
letters from Morgan, one addressed to Captain Bennett, the other to
Captain Rogers and other privateers. This statement was then qualified
by a second deposition, transmitted by Morgan, to the effect that Barr
understood that Morgan had written those letters with the assent of the
governor, to whom he had sent them for approval, but when that had been
refused, Morgan had not sent them to the persons to whom they had been
written. He admitted that he had accepted an invitation to go upon a
trading voyage, but positively denied that he had been instructed by
Morgan to negotiate or conduct any business with the English or French
privateers, or that Morgan had had any dealings with them as far as he
knew.[354]

The charges laid by the governor against Morgan and Byndloss were
brought before the Privy Council and, as usual in such cases, referred
to the Lords of Trade for further investigation and report.[355]

A new House of Assembly met on March 26 and continued to sit for four
months. Several new acts were passed and sent to London for the King's
assent. These, with the acts passed in 1675, were referred to the
Attorney-General for revision, with instructions to draft a code of laws
for the proper government of the colony.[356]

At a meeting of the Council held near the end of September, the governor
informed the members, as a matter of public importance, that he had
received an intimation that Captain William Bragg would make certain
charges against Sir Thomas Modyford. He had consequently instructed the
provost marshal to summon Bragg to appear before them, but that officer
reported that he had been unable to serve the summons. Colonel Thomas
Ballard and Samuel Long were instructed to send for Bragg and, after
having examined him, proceed according to law.[357]

Morgan described this incident in a letter to Coventry. He stated that
Captain Bragg, "a man of very good estate both here and in England", had
dined with him in his own house, and after dinner in the presence of
Colonel Theodore Cary, declared that Sir Thomas Modyford was a traitor
and he could prove it. Morgan asked him why he had not informed the
governor. Bragg replied because he was not as well acquainted with the
governor as he was with Morgan, his deputy, and therefore he made a
statement to him which was written down by Morgan at his dictation.
Vaughan had received Morgan very civilly when he called upon him with
this information, and sent a message to Bragg to remain in town for
examination before the Council next day. When the provost went to find
Bragg he was told he had gone to his house in the country. Colonel
Ballard had been ordered to send a squadron of horse to fetch him in,
but he had come back voluntarily. Morgan transmitted a copy of his
deposition, which, he said, was not as full as the statement made to
him. But he thought it proved that Modyford had no love for the King and
only lacked the power but not the will to do mischief. If this was not
treason nor misprision of treason, it was at least a great misdemeanour,
and Modyford was not fit to be Chief Justice. Morgan hoped that Coventry
would see from his conduct in this affair how very zealous he was for
the King's service. But he added that Modyford had since sued Bragg for
10,000 for defamation of his character, and had often remarked that
this was not the first time that he had been accused of treason.[358]

Bragg was a person of considerable importance, as records show that he
was four times elected as a member of the House of Assembly from the
parish of St. Catherine, twice from the parish of St. John, and once
from the parish of St. Ann, between 1675 and 1688.[359]

The Spaniards had continued their provoking depredations on English
commerce in the Caribbean. Seamen who had escaped from confinement at
Havana and in other Spanish forts gave distressing accounts of their
sufferings while imprisoned. Early in January, 1677, Vaughan sent to
England a bundle of depositions made by some of these men and others,
who complained that they had been plundered by a Spanish ship on the
high sea. Orders, he said, ought to be sent from Spain to oblige the
governor of Havana to keep the peace. Several English subjects were
still detained there in slavery. There could be no justification for his
barbarous treatment of these prisoners, nor for his capture of English
ships. The people of Jamaica were filled with discontent because their
hands were tied while another nation was at liberty to commit any kind
of robbery upon them.[360]

Six months before he had reported that a number of the King's subjects
were detained in Havana as slaves and had neither been sent to Spain nor
transported to Jamaica, and had for a long time endured the most
miserable bondage. He had followed this by a particular complaint
against the governor of Havana, who had, he asserted, fitted out a
_barca longa_, which had captured all the English ships that came in its
way, plundered them, and interrupted the whole of their fishing and
navigation. The Spaniards had thus taken the liberty to break the
articles of the treaty of peace and to commit all manner of violences on
the English, assuming a dominion in those seas, relinquished by the
treaty of Madrid, and declaring all vessels to be good prizes that had
anything on board the growth of those Indies.[361]

For the protection of the fisheries and coasting trade he commissioned
two small sloops, each armed with four guns. Before the end of that
month he had secured more depositions complaining of Spanish
aggressions, and declared that if he had not fitted out these two small
armed cruisers the fisheries would have been destroyed and many "useful
people" living at Port Royal probably ruined. Not less than sixty
Englishmen were then held in servitude in Havana, and unless the
Spaniards there received orders from Spain, "they would never do
right."[362]

Only a few days after writing this, Captains Roger Marsh and William
Jaques, commanding the sloops _Primrose_ and _Cold Harbour_, reported
that while they were convoying the flotilla of fishing and turtling
boats from the island to the Caymans, they had been attacked by an armed
Spanish ship, which they had beaten off and pursued until it was out of
sight.[363]

Vaughan then determined to send an officer to Santiago de Cuba to
complain of the "wrongs and injuries" done to the fishermen by a Spanish
ship from Havana. At the same time he was annoyed by information that
the new French governor of Tortuga had seized two Jamaican ships and
prohibited all trade with that island.[364]

All the governors of the English colonies in the West Indies had been
sent copies of the royal proclamation announcing the grant of a
monopoly of trade on the coast of Africa to the Royal African Company,
with strict instructions to enforce its observance not only by
discouraging and hindering as far as lay in their power "all attempts
and endeavours contrary thereunto", but by affording their utmost
assistance to that company and its agents "in taking the forfeiture of
such persons as shall presume to transgress the said proclamation."[365]

Vaughan had made zealous efforts to comply with these orders, which were
far from acceptable to many of the planters, who wished to obtain slaves
as cheaply as they could and connived at the enterprises of the
"interlopers". The success of these adventurers in eluding the
preventive officers and landing their cargoes of "black ivory" in
secluded bays and remote harbours had been reported to the Privy
Council, and the governor received a second letter commanding that no
ship or ships should be permitted to sail upon any trading voyage until
the master, owner, or other proprietor should have given sufficient
security that he or they would not visit any country within the limits
of the charter granted to the Royal African Company, which comprised the
entire west coast of Africa from Sallee to the Cape of Good Hope, nor
import "any blacks, gold, elephant's teeth, malagetta or other
commodities of the said countries into Jamaica." Similar peremptory
orders were given to collectors of duties.[366]

The rapid development of plantations of sugar cane had created a great
demand for slave labour, and when these instructions were read at a
meeting of the Council of Jamaica attended by Lord Vaughan, Sir Henry
Morgan, and seven other members, the governor was requested to inform
the Lords of Trade that "the colony would take three thousand negroes
annually, and to desire that their price be regulated accordingly."[367]

Not long afterwards Vaughan was informed that a privateer had landed 150
negroes secretly in a distant bay and had sold them quickly to the
neighbouring planters. This was a daring and deliberate infraction of
the exclusive privileges of the powerful company headed by the Lord High
Admiral. This ship had cleared from Port Royal eight months before,
ostensibly for Cartagena, having a French letter-of-marque against
Holland, for the French and Dutch were still at war. While cruising off
the Spanish Main, she had taken the _Golden Sun_, a Dutch ship having a
cargo of negroes, after a sharp battle in which the Dutch captain and
some of his crew were killed. The captain of this privateer was James
Browne, a Scot, and most of his crew were English. His commission had
been issued by d'Ogeron, who had been dead for nearly a year. It was
contended by some persons that the commission became invalid by his
death.

The frigate stationed at Port Royal was sent in pursuit, but found that
Browne had sailed for parts unknown. About a hundred negroes were seized
in the possession of the planters who had bought them. The governor then
directed the Court of Admiralty to condemn these slaves as "goods
piratically taken", and to make an order for their restoration to their
rightful owners.[368]

He came at once into a conflict with several members of the Council and
Assembly, who sided openly with the aggrieved planters. Vaughan hotly
complained that he had "no power without the Council, not being able to
suspend any on misbehaviour or unfaithfulness without their consents.
The King's interest", he said, "could not be secured except by a
governor whose only dependence was on England, and who had no private
interests in the island." And as the interests of the members of the
Council were entirely local and they had no dependence on England, he
ought to have absolute power to suspend them. Most of them, he stated,
were "old standers and officers of Cromwell's army". None of the
soldiers were receiving any pay, and they were consequently
undisciplined and untrained. The privateers were numerous, and
constantly being recruited with runaway servants and others. No matter
what orders he issued for the suppression of privateering, scarcely
anyone was willing to obey them.[369]

Sir Thomas Lynch had returned and soon favoured the Ministers with some
"reflections" on the state of the colony and its relations with the
Spaniards. It was to the interest of the English, he asserted, that the
Spaniards should retain the possession of their dominions in the West
Indies and America, as their colonies were extensive and thinly peopled,
so that they were unable to take from the English any territory then
held by the latter. The Spaniards had great wealth and little industry,
and consequently the English trading with Spain and the West Indies
could gain more from them than from any other nation. It was as much
contrary to the interest of England to acquire more colonies in America
as it was for it to have those already in her possession well peopled
and fortified, particularly Jamaica, which would then be able to
accomplish more in a war with Spain than all the power of the mother
country. But war and privateering greatly hindered the settlement of the
island.[370]

He eagerly seized the opportunity to describe Morgan as being unfit for
the office of Deputy Governor, saying, "he is governed by his bro'r in
law, Coll. Byndloss, a very ill man." He added that "they both have
violent humours", and that Byndloss had struck Lord Vaughan's secretary
in the presence of the governor, and that Morgan and another
brother-in-law had challenged the secretary and two members of the
Assembly and Council to fight duels with them.

But Byndloss and Morgan had many influential friends and supporters. One
of these, a Mr. Nevill, who may have been the privateer, or a relative
of the same name, addressed a long letter to the Earl of Carlisle, who
had again been mentioned as prospective governor. He began by referring
to the danger of an invasion.

    "I remember," he wrote, "upon our discourse of it, Sir Henry
    Morgan did always say to colonel Byndloss, and the men with us,
    that if he were now a privateer for the Spaniards, as he had
    been against them, he would not doubt to ruin the whole country,
    by burning and destroying the sea-coast plantations; and though
    that cannot be the Spaniards' interest in these parts (if we let
    them be quiet), to stir a nest of hornets, and force them into
    privateering; yet the French, having little to lose, and many
    poor rascals to employ in Tortuga, do not want knowledge of our
    island nor will enough, in case of war, to put it in execution;
    since it is certain, the planting part once discouraged, the
    privateering trade must subsist, by devouring the Spaniards, as
    formerly; which produces another benefit to the French, by
    disturbing their hereditary enemy; so that so far I conceive
    with Sir Thomas Lynch in saying that planting, and not
    privateering, is the true interest of England in this island;
    yet I cannot but think the greatest mistake that could have
    happened in doing it was, the forcing the planters, for want of
    conveniences to run to the North side of the island, where
    ground cost at least 3 an acre in clearing from wood; though I
    allow the ground to be as good for canes when, with great charge
    and labour cleared; yet the vast expence for want of savannahs,
    as in fencing a competent quantity of pasture for cattle, is a
    burthen scarce supportable; besides the open condition they are
    in to all invasions and revolts of the Negroes."[371]

In conclusion he strongly urged the Earl to accept the office of
governor, which was expected soon to become vacant.

    "Nor would any man, I humbly conceive, in this nation, find it
    so easy as your Lordship would do, whose name by honest Sir
    Henry Morgan's means, is as generally mentioned with honour and
    good wishes in their healths, as if they had found the good
    effects of your Lordship's government there already; and next to
    his majesty's and his royal highnesses, no health [is] so often
    drank, especially at his and his brother's in law, Colonel
    Byndloss's table, and these two are the men who have the true
    and most prevalent interest in the country; Sir Henry from his
    eminent and famed exploits in those parts, together with his
    generous and undesigned way of conversing with them, Colonel
    Byndloss by the same generosity and frankness of conversation,
    mixt with one of the most able understandings I have ever met
    with; and were my judgments considerable to you I should not
    stick to own I think considering everything, few clearer
    thinkers are to be found in the world, though having a plentiful
    fortune, which he has acquired by his industry, he does not bend
    himself to flattery and other little arts, but plainly and above
    board offers counsel, which if accepted no man [is] more anxious
    by his labour to make his advice succeed; but, if not, then his
    standing but by and retiring without one word of discontent,
    being more jolly than envious in his temper, yet then to go
    uneasy with any man that has use of these people, as my Lord
    Vaughan to his great loss [has found] in the Assembly he called,
    for closing with Sir Thomas Modyford and neglecting Sir Henry
    Morgan and his brother Byndloss, all things went heavy that
    concerned him there, and forced him upon little violences, which
    have aggravated matters against him."[372]

The prolonged conflict between France and the United Netherlands had
been waged with varying success in the West Indies. Cayenne had been
taken by a Dutch fleet and retaken by a more powerful French force,
which had been repulsed in an attack upon Tobago. The arrival of such a
powerful French fleet, commanded by one of the most distinguished
admirals of the time, caused much alarm in the English colonies. Vaughan
regretted that he had been obliged to send away the only frigate at his
disposal, and urged that another should be speedily sent to protect the
remnant of Jamaican commerce.[373] Nevill boldly advocated an attempt to
supplant the Dutch in their contract for supplying slaves to the
Spaniards, who had received them from Curacao, as their chief
distributing point.

    "Another great and effectual step towards trading with them," he
    wrote, "would be for us heartily to endeavour to make the
    navigation in these parts safe; for since we have left
    disturbing the Spaniards ourselves, and getting the profit that
    occurred thereby, it should be our interest, methinks, not to
    suffer any other to do it, and least of all the French; who
    since Sir Henry Morgan showed them the way to take Panama, are
    the only people in those parts we should fear, as they must live
    by rapine and gather strength, whilst our privateers wear away,
    or are drawn off to planting. I must confess, I think there is
    no difference at our being at war here with Spain, and suffering
    others effectually to be so; for should Panama fall into the
    French hands, the manufactures of France would supply the South
    Sea, and all the world would be theirs; nor could all the
    strength of Europe ever recover that when once fortified by
    them."

About the beginning of July a small squadron of French and English
privateers arrived in high feather from the Spanish Main, where they had
taken and plundered the town of Santa Marta. The French leader was
Captain Lagarde, but the English Captains, Barnes and Coxon, were in his
company. They had carried off the bishop and governor of the province,
whom they had promised to liberate at Port Royal. The booty they had
taken in money and "broken plate" amounted to only about 20 per man. To
save the town from ruin the bishop and governor had agreed to pay a
considerable ransom, but instead of the promised "pieces of eight", the
governor of Cartagena had sent three ships of war and five hundred
soldiers to retake the place. The privateers had fought with this force
when it came upon them, and having killed fifty men by their first
volley, the remainder fled.[374]

The scandal of the situation had become intolerable, and the planters of
Jamaica were at last ashamed of it. The Assembly passed a rigorous act,
prohibiting all persons belonging in any way to the island from serving
in war against any foreign country at peace with England, and making
offenders against this act liable to capital punishment, but allowing
them a certain time to return and receive pardon. Within three months,
three hundred appeared to claim benefit of this provision in the act.
Among them were nearly all those concerned in the attack on Santa Marta,
and Captain James Browne with his crew. Browne and several of his men
were arrested by order of the governor and tried by a special commission
for piracy, under an act passed in the reign of Henry VIII. They were
convicted and sentenced to be hanged. Without hesitation Vaughan signed
a warrant for the execution of Browne but reprieved the others. Browne
petitioned the Assembly then in session, alleging that he was entitled
to indemnity under their act. His execution had been ordered to be
carried out next day, and a committee was appointed to call upon the
governor and ask him to postpone it until the following Tuesday to give
the Assembly time to consider his petition. The committee returned and
reported that "the governor could not be spoken to." A debate ensued,
and the committee was sent again to the governor to request a suspension
of the warrant. This time Vaughan returned a written reply stating that
he had already pardoned eight of those criminals "who by a verdict of a
jury were sentenced to death, but cannot in justice think Captain Browne
a fit object of mercy, and believes that hindering the sentence of
execution will be of evil example and bad consequence." On receiving
this answer the Assembly instantly voted that a written address should
be presented to the governor urging their opinion that "if this
execution take place all our privateers out may think this Act a snare,
and possibly it may make those already in go out again, as they do not
enjoy the security they expected and so become most dangerous enemies,
and they desire a few days' reprieve for Browne." Vaughan curtly replied
that he had "already given his mind in writing and did not share their
fear of discouraging the privateers." The Assembly were greatly annoyed
by this rebuff, and unanimously voted to hold a further investigation.
Browne's petition was read again, and it was found that he stated that
the Court had taken no notice of his plea of immunity under the terms of
the Act. He had been sentenced and the writ for his execution had been
signed. A resolution was passed declaring that the execution should be
delayed, and the Speaker was instructed to issue his warrant to the
provost marshal commanding him in the King's name to forbear obeying any
warrant already issued at his peril.

Sir Thomas Modyford had some time before resigned the office of chief
justice and Samuel Long had been appointed to succeed him. An
application had been made to the newly appointed chief justice for a
writ of _habeas corpus_, which had been immediately granted. The Speaker
of the Assembly, Colonel William Beeston of Port Royal, issued his
warrant to the provost marshal commanding him to obey the writ of the
chief justice. Meanwhile the governor, who was determined to forestall
any adverse action by the Assembly, had sent an order to the prison for
the immediate execution of Browne, "whereupon the fellow was hanged half
an hour after."[375]

"The Marshal came with an order signed by the Speaker to observe the
Chief's Justice's writ of _habeas corpus_ which had been granted, but
superseded by the Governor's order," Sir Thomas Lynch wrote. "My Lord
resented this proceeding and immediately sent for the Assembly, which
after reproving he dissolved."[376]

The Assembly had agreed with the opinion of the chief justice that all
the proceedings of the Court that tried Browne were illegal and
extra-judicial as they held that the governor, as chancellor of the
colony, was not legally vested with authority for issuing the commission
constituting such a court. There is no evidence that the unfortunate
Browne had been more guilty than other Jamaican privateers, who had
acted under French letters-of-marque against the Dutch and Spaniards. He
was probably neither better nor worse than his fellow offenders. His
heinous and unpardonable crime in the sight of the governor was the fact
that he had smuggled the captured negroes into the island in defiance of
the charter of the potent Royal African Company and the Navigation
Acts.

Shortly before its hasty dissolution the Assembly had voted a salary of
1,000 to the governor, but only 300 to Sir Henry Morgan.[377] The
breach between Vaughan and the Assembly, which was mostly composed of
influential planters, who were almost certain of re-election, was too
wide to be easily closed. There was little disposition on either part to
compromise. Morgan openly sympathized with his fellow planters and no
doubt, though less avowedly, with his old comrades in arms, the
privateers. Southey remarked sarcastically that "his Lordship must have
known little of the people he was sent to govern, to think of hanging
for piracy in Jamaica at this time."[378]

Vaughan's repeated complaints of depredations on commerce by the
Spaniards were strongly reinforced by others from English merchants. The
owners of the _Diligence_ of Liverpool alleged that while that ship was
coming from the Bay of Campeachy with a full cargo of logwood, cocoa,
and plate, she had been searched by a Spanish ship and stripped of her
lading, stores, and rigging. The Privy Council instructed the Secretary
of State to write on the subject to Sir William Godolphin at Madrid, and
speak to the Spanish envoy in London.[379] The envoy retaliated by
presenting a memorial complaining of the capture of the Spanish ship,
_Buen Jesus de las Almas_, with 46,471 pieces of eight and two parcels
of bulls or patents, on her voyage to San Domingo, by an Englishman,
Captain John Bennett.

To this complaint, however, Sir Thomas Lynch answered "that this
violence was in no ways countenanced by his Majesty's officers in those
parts, and that neither the men on board the said privateer were
English, nor came into any port of Jamaica to the knowledge of the
Governor. Bennett had Frenchmen on board the said privateer, a French
commission, fought under French colours, had the prize condemned and
divided in a French port, when at the same time the governor of Jamaica
took great pains and was at great charge to retrieve her in order to a
restitution."[380]

After considering the many complaints laid before them the Privy Council
made an order that representations should be made to the Spanish envoy
that "if some speedy course be not taken therein, his Majesty will be
forced by the clamours of his subjects to use such means for their
reparation as honour and justice obliges him to.

    "And whereas it appears that the chief cause of the aforesaid
    injuries and depredations are occasioned by a pretence of His
    Majesty's subjects having logwood on board their ships, it was
    further ordered that Mr. Secretary Coventry do expostulate this
    matter with the said envoy extraordinary that his Majesty's
    subjects may have free liberty of trading in logwood, in regard
    the same is not contraband goods and is frequently sold to his
    Majesty's subjects by the Spaniards in those parts."[381]

A week later another order was made that a copy of this instruction
should be sent to Sir William Godolphin, with directions to press
demands for satisfaction at the Spanish court. Only two days afterwards
another petition was presented at the Council from merchants and traders
in Jamaica and merchants in England trading to Jamaica reciting the
"severities, violences, and hostilities they suffer from the Spaniards",
and stating the number of English prisoners confined at Havana to be
nearly one hundred, besides those sent to the galleys and mines, and
affirming that they were "daily alarmed with fresh losses."[382]

In the long pending case of the seizure of the _Virgin_, the owners had
been authorized to send a special agent to sue for damages (estimated at
12,863), who had remained at Madrid for about nine months without
obtaining any satisfaction. Coventry was directed to instruct Godolphin
that the petitioners had shown that the Court of Spain was responsible,
and that unless reparation was made the King "hath under his
consideration the granting them letters of reprisal and must give
effectual order therein, if speedy justice be not done them."[383]

Learning that Lord Vaughan's complaints against Sir Henry Morgan and
Robert Byndloss had been referred to the Lords of Trade, John Byndloss,
as agent for the accused persons, presented a memorial asking that when
the papers were taken into consideration, he might have leave to attend
and "offer anything that might tend to their service or their Lordships'
satisfaction therein." This memorial was read at a meeting held on the
2nd November, 1676.[384] No action whatever was taken for nearly a year.
Finally on the 28th of October, 1677, an abstract of the charges made by
Lord Vaughan was read, when the Lords resolved that they could not come
to any decision until they "entered into a further examination of the
whole matter."[385]

Soon after they debated whether the act lately passed by the Assembly of
Jamaica "against taking foreign commissions is fit to be laid aside
because thereby the privateers would be terrified from coming in", and
resolved that the following question should be submitted to the law
officers of the Crown: "Whether the King having made a treaty with any
foreign Prince agreeing to punish such as by colour of commission from
enemies to his allies shall take arms against the King's peace and
treaty proclaimed and spoil the King's allies be not levying war against
the King and punishable by death, Or what crime it is and how
punishable?"[386]

Before any reply or legal opinion had been received a letter was
addressed to Lord Vaughan in the King's name, informing him that some of
the Ministers of his allies residing at his court had complained that
ships of war were permitted to lie in the ports and harbours of his
colonies and islands abroad, from whence they put to sea and made prizes
of nations at enmity with them but in amity with him, and having seized
such vessels at sea presumed to bring them into the said ports and
harbours "to the great abuse of the freedom which his Majesty allows his
friends there." Vaughan was therefore instructed that if he had cause to
suspect any vessel of war of entering any harbour of Jamaica with such
intention, he should not permit her to remain, much less to return there
with the vessels seized and in that way offend those nations in amity
with the King, "than which nothing can be more opposite to that fair
indifference and common justice which we profess and will maintain
towards all our allies impartially."[387]

After three months' delay the Lords of Trade reported that they had
agreed upon the terms of an act for the more effectual punishment of
pirates in Jamaica, and for calling in the privateers which serve under
foreign commissions in those parts.[388]

By that time a decision had been made to recall Lord Vaughan and appoint
the Earl of Carlisle, who had agreed to accept the office of governor
with obvious reluctance. He seems to have stipulated that Sir Henry
Morgan should continue in office as his deputy. A warrant was issued
authorizing the new governor "to cause drums to be beat about the city
of London for raising two hundred men for service in Jamaica". These
recruits were formed into two independent companies, and commissions
were issued to the Earl of Carlisle and Sir Henry Morgan as their
captains.[389]

Meanwhile, Vaughan had quarrelled fiercely with Thomas Martin, lately
appointed as royal receiver-general, whom he had arbitrarily first
suspended from office and eventually confined in the common gaol of
Spanish Town, without laying any charge against him. Martin appealed to
the King, and an order was sent to Morgan to deliver to the governor
commanding him to liberate the appellant and admit him to his office.
Vaughan stubbornly ignored this order and Martin was kept in prison for
several months after its service on him.[390]

Early in the following year the governor probably had received some hint
of the decision to recall him, and resolved to anticipate its arrival.
At a meeting of the Council held at Port Royal on March 11, which was
attended by Morgan and seven other members, he announced his intention
of embarking for England "very speedily", and that he had delivered to
Sir Henry Morgan, as deputy governor, copies of his commission,
instructions, and other papers necessary for the due administration of
the government in his absence. He added that if he had not been much in
ill health he would have called meetings of the Council more frequently.
No quit rents had been received since March, 1676, nor had he received a
single farthing from the public revenue towards the expenses of
government since the preceding April. His private fortune, he said, was
consequently much impaired, but he would rely with confidence on the
royal bounty for compensation.

He sailed for England three days later, exactly two years from the date
of his arrival. Contemporary writers have treated him unkindly. One of
them alleges that while in Jamaica "he made haste to grow as rich as his
government would let him." An acquaintance of Pepys, who was "an
understanding gentleman", described Lord Vaughan as "one of the lewdest
fellows of the age", yet he was undeniably a man of considerable ability
and literary taste. He succeeded his father as Earl of Carbery in 1686.
In the same year he was elected President of the Royal Society, and held
that office until 1689.[391]

[Footnote 319: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
458, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 7th March, 1675.]

[Footnote 320: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
459, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 11th March, 1675.]

[Footnote 321: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
521, Morgan to Williamson, Port Royal, 13th April, 1675.]

[Footnote 322: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
498, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 29th March, 1675.]

[Footnote 323: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
520, Deposition of John Darbey, 10th April, 1675.]

[Footnote 324: Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 4th May, 1675;
_Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No. 564, Peter
Beckford to Williamson, 17th May, 1675.]

[Footnote 325: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
566, Vaughan to Williamson, 18th May, 1675.]

[Footnote 326: _Dartmouth Papers_, Vaughan to George Legge, 23rd May,
1675.]

[Footnote 327: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
614, Benj. Batten to Sir Thos. Allin, Boston, 29th June, 1675.]

[Footnote 328: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
638, d'Ogeron to Byndloss, 5th July, 1675.]

[Footnote 329: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
657, Morgan to Capt. John Edmunds, 25th August, 1675.]

[Footnote 330: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
530, Memorandum of a letter to Lord Vaughan, 30th July, 1675.]

[Footnote 331: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
673, Vaughan to Williamson, 20th September, 1675.]

[Footnote 332: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 111.]

[Footnote 333: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Williamson to Vaughan, 6th December, 1675.]

[Footnote 334: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, Nos.
740 and 741.]

[Footnote 335: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
735, Beckford to Williamson, 6th December, 1675.]

[Footnote 336: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
740, Observations by William Cranfield.]

[Footnote 337: Island Record Office, _Liber of Letters Patent_, 6, f.
492.]

[Footnote 338: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
792, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 23rd January, 1676.]

[Footnote 339: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
668, 800 and 860.]

[Footnote 340: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
794, Beckford to Williamson, 20th February, 1676.]

[Footnote 341: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
807, Morgan to Williamson, 2nd February, 1676.]

[Footnote 342: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
820, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 17th February, 1676.]

[Footnote 343: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
825, Beckford to Williamson, 20th February, 1676.]

[Footnote 344: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
863, Vaughan to Lords of Trade, 4th April, 1676; _ibid._, No. 912,
Vaughan to Williamson, 2nd May, 1676.]

[Footnote 345: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
916, Vaughan to Lord Anglesey, 3rd May, 1676.]

[Footnote 346: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
913, Beckford to Williamson, 2nd May, 1676.]

[Footnote 347: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
998, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 4th July, 1676.]

[Footnote 348: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1006, Vaughan to Coventry, 2nd August, 1676.]

[Footnote 349: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1007, Beckford to Williamson, 2nd August, 1676.]

[Footnote 350: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 1001, The Lords of Trade
to Vaughan, 28th July, 1676.]

[Footnote 351: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 1093, Vaughan to The
Lords of Trade, 30th October, 1676.]

[Footnote 352: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 1129, iv, Morgan to
Coventry, 2nd Aug., 1676.]

[Footnote 353: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1129, v, Morgan to Coventry, undated, received September 2nd.]

[Footnote 354: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1129, xv, Examination of Charles Barr; _ibid._, No. 1129, xvii,
Deposition of Charles Barr, taken before Sir Henry Morgan, at Port
Royal, 12th September, 1676.]

[Footnote 355: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1129.]

[Footnote 356: Southey, _Chronological History_, II, p. 113.]

[Footnote 357: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1042, Journal of the Council of Jamaica, 28th September, 1676.]

[Footnote 358: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1073, Morgan to Coventry, Port Royal, 20th October, 1676.]

[Footnote 359: W. A. Feurtado, _Official and Other Personages of Jamaica
from 1655 to 1790, passim_.]

[Footnote 360: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 2, Vaughan to Coventry,
4th January, 1677.]

[Footnote 361: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1154, _Acts of the Privy Council_, letters from Vaughan, 4th and 28th
July, 1676.]

[Footnote 362: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
21, Vaughan to Coventry, 28th January, 1677.]

[Footnote 363: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
40, Relation of Capts. Marsh and Jaques to Vaughan, 9th February, 1677.]

[Footnote 364: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
53, Newsletter from Jamaica, 9th February, 1677.]

[Footnote 365: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1013, Acts of the Privy Council, 2nd December, 1674.]

[Footnote 366: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1102, Acts of the Privy Council, 22nd November, 1676.]

[Footnote 367: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
30, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 3rd February, 1677.]

[Footnote 368: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
243, Vaughan to Williamson, 14th May, 1677.]

[Footnote 369: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
270, Vaughan to Coventry, 28th May, 1677.]

[Footnote 370: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
307, Reflections on the state of Jamaica by Sir Thomas Lynch, 20th June,
1677.]

[Footnote 371: _Interesting Tracts Relating to the Island of Jamaica_,
St. Jago, MDCCC., p. 105; Long, _History of Jamaica_, I, p. 597.]

[Footnote 372: The Present State of Jamaica in a letter from Mr. Nevill
to the Earl of Carlisle in _Interesting Tracts_, p. 117; Long, _History
of Jamaica_, I, p. 599.]

[Footnote 373: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
313, Vaughan to Coventry, 26th June, 1677.]

[Footnote 374: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
347, Newsletter of Sir T. Lynch, 18th July, 1677.]

[Footnote 375: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
365, Journal of the House of Assembly of Jamaica, 24th July, 1677.]

[Footnote 376: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
383, Sir T. Lynch to Williamson, Jamaica, 5th August, 1677.]

[Footnote 377: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
402, Journal of the House of Assembly of Jamaica, 21st September.]

[Footnote 378: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 115.]

[Footnote 379: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1127, Acts of the Privy Council, 23rd March, 1677.]

[Footnote 380: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1142, _Acts of the Privy Council_, 1st June, 1677.]

[Footnote 381: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1152, _Acts of the Privy Council_, 11th July, 1677.]

[Footnote 382: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies; Acts
of the Privy Council_, 20th July, 1677.]

[Footnote 383: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1162, _Acts of the Privy Council_, 4th July, 1677.]

[Footnote 384: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1161, _Acts of the Privy Council_, Petition of John Byndloss, 1676.]

[Footnote 385: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
461, Journal of the Lords of Trade, 28th and 29th October, 1677.]

[Footnote 386: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
478, Journal of the Lords of Trade, 13th November, 1677.]

[Footnote 387: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
484, The King to Vaughan, 20th November, 1677.]

[Footnote 388: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
607, Report of the Lords of Trade, 19th February, 1678.]

[Footnote 389: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
570, Warrant to Carlisle; No. 571, Commission to Carlisle; No. 572,
Commission to Morgan.]

[Footnote 390: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
535, Petition of Thomas Martin, 22nd December, 1677; No. 535, i,
Certificate of Sir Henry Morgan, 8th December, 1677.]

[Footnote 391: Pepys, _Diary_, p. 460; _Dictionary of National
Biography_, Article on John Vaughan.

When he died, a quarter of a century later, in 1713, a scandalmonger
affirmed, perhaps with little truth, that he had taken out with him to
Jamaica "many shauntlemen of Wales, and sold 'em there as slaves, as he
did his chaplain, to a blacksmith."--Verney MSS.]




  CHAPTER IX

  CARLISLE'S CONTEST WITH THE ASSEMBLY


A special committee of the Privy Council made a report on "the present
State and Government of Jamaica", in November, 1677. It recommended that
the laws transmitted by Lord Vaughan should be given to the Earl of
Carlisle, with instructions to present them to the next House of
Assembly to be re-enacted as laws originally coming from the King, and
that in future no Legislative assembly was to be called without special
royal instructions, but upon an emergency, the governor was to report
the necessity of calling such an Assembly and pray the King's assent and
directions for such a meeting. At the same time he was to present a
scheme of such acts as he deemed fit and necessary for the King's
consideration, which would be returned to him in the form in which it
was thought proper they should be finally enacted. Then upon receipt of
the royal instructions the governor was to call an Assembly and propose
the said laws for their consent, so that the same method in legislation
should be adopted in Jamaica as had been introduced into Ireland under
Poyning's act. Therefore the former style of enacting laws "By the
Governor, Council, and Representatives of the Commons Assembled," was to
be altered to read: "Be it enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty
by and with the consent of the General Assembly."

    A further recommendation was made that "no escheats, fines,
    forfeitures, or penalties be mentioned in the said laws to be
    applied to the public use of the island, and that your Majesty
    do instruct your governor to dispose thereof for the support of
    the Government; as also that in all laws for the levying of
    money and raising a public revenue, the clauses whereby the said
    levies are appropriated to the public use of the island,
    without any mention of your Majesty or unto your Majesty for the
    public use are so far derogatory to your Majesty's right of
    Sovereignty, that they ought for the future to be altered and
    made agreeable to the stile of England.

    "And whereas it has upon some occasions proved inconvenient that
    the Members of the Council have been constituted by your
    Majesty's Commission we are of opinion that for the future they
    be only named in the Instructions of the Governor, for the
    strengthening of whose authority we do offer that he may have
    power to suspend any of the Members (if he see just cause),
    without receiving the advice and consent of the Council. And
    also that none of the Members so suspended, or by your Majesty's
    order displaced from that Trust, may be permitted to be received
    into the General Assembly.

    "And whereas nothing can more contribute to the welfare of your
    Majesty's Island, than that all means be found out for the
    encrease of Trade, We do offer for the Encouragement thereof,
    That a Mint be allowed in Jamaica, in such manner that no
    prejudice arise to your Majesty's other Dominions, or that what
    Bullion that is brought from them may be coined here in England,
    Provided that all such coins may bear your Majesty's
    superscription, and not be imposed in payment elsewhere."[392]

This report was approved and an order made in accordance.

The House of Assembly was deprived of all initiative and the control of
the revenue was to be placed in the power of the governor.

The Attorney-General was instructed to prepare the draft of a standing
commission of _oyer_ and _terminer_ for the trial of pirates in Jamaica,
without term, in which the chief officers then in the island and the
chief officers for the time being were to be named.[393]

After due deliberation the committee reported that they had agreed upon
acts for declaring it felony without benefit of clergy for any person to
serve under any foreign Prince or State, and for the more effectual
punishment of pirates and others offending upon the seas. These drafts
were approved and an order was made for passing them in Jamaica.[394]

[Illustration: Plan of Port Royal    _See p. 263_]

Orders were subsequently passed for the payment of 1,738.16.6 for the
transportation of 249 tons of supplies and 200 soldiers; for the payment
of 537.2.8 for the transportation of twenty soldiers and several other
passengers; and for the payment of 84 for the conveyance of forty tons
of Purbeck stone from England to Jamaica.[395]

The royal instructions to the Earl of Carlisle as governor were dated on
the 30th of March, 1678. He was commanded on his arrival to summon a
council composed of Sir Henry Morgan and twelve other members, among
whom Robert Byndloss and Henry Archbold were named. His salary was fixed
at 2,000 per annum, and Sir Henry Morgan was to receive 600 per annum
as lieutenant-governor.

Nearly a month later a letter of recall was addressed to Lord Vaughan,
commanding him on its receipt to surrender the government to the Earl of
Carlisle and acquaint him with all matters concerning the existing state
of the colony necessary for his information, and to repair to the King's
presence to give an account of affairs in those parts.[396]

The transfer of the administration to Morgan had been purposely made at
a most critical and embarrassing time. It was apparent that England and
France were on the verge of war and that Jamaica might be invaded at any
moment. After being repulsed with much loss in his first attack upon
Tobago, Admiral d'Estres had sailed to France but in a few months
returned with a much more powerful fleet, when he took that island from
the Dutch with little difficulty.

Morgan acted with characteristic decision. On the afternoon of the day
of Lord Vaughan's departure he published the usual proclamation
continuing all officials, civil and military, in their appointments
until further notice. A meeting of the Council was held on April 2, at
which besides himself eleven members were present. He then took the oath
as commander-in-chief and the other members took the oath of fidelity to
him. An order was made that no person should be permitted to leave the
island except when required for the navigation of ships. In consequence
"of apprehensions of a foreign enemy", it was next ordered that a
council of war should be held "to consider the best means for securing
this island", and that all field officers of the militia should be
notified to attend. This council assembled three days later. Morgan and
seventeen other officers were present. The articles of war adopted by
Lord Vaughan were declared to be in force, and a proclamation was
approved for publication, announcing the suspension of the common law
for twenty days. An oath was drafted for use at courts-martial. Orders
were approved instructing commandants of regiments to form
courts-martial and publish the articles of war. They were commanded to
exercise their men and take care that they were well supplied with arms
and ammunition, and make correct reports of their condition to the
commander-in-chief. The commandant of the forts was ordered to prepare a
report of the arms and ammunition in possession of the merchants in Port
Royal, and prevent the landing of any "water canoe" between ten o'clock
at night and sunrise. Regulations were made for measures to be carried
out in event of a general alarm. An order was made for the immediate
employment of a tenth of all the negroes in the island upon the
fortifications. Patrols of horsemen were detailed for duty every night.
Companies of infantry were placed on duty at Port Royal, Spanish Town,
and Salt Pond.[397]

Beeston stated that "every one applied themselves heartily to their
business."

On April 13 a ship arrived from London bringing "certain news" that
there would be war with France but that it had not yet been proclaimed.
When this ship had sailed there was a report that the Earl of Carlisle
had been given orders to sail for Jamaica as governor in fourteen days.

The stone parapet extending along the sea front of Port Royal eastward
from Fort James, afterwards known as "Morgan's Lines", or "Fort Morgan",
was finished in eight days and armed with sixteen guns. Another stone
outwork was begun at once. At a second meeting of the council of war on
April 25 Morgan reported what had been done and what he proposed to do
next in all parts of the island for its defence. An order was made
continuing martial law in force until June 10, as no reliable account
had been received of a declaration of war or of the movements of the
French fleet.[398]

On April 28 a ship arrived from Barbados with information that all the
Windward Islands were being placed in a posture of defence. Morgan
instantly ordered the guards in Port Royal to be doubled and others
posted at suitable points along the south coast. The Executive Council
was again assembled to consider the situation. A small fast-sailing
sloop was sent to the coast of Hispaniola in search of intelligence. The
work upon the fortifications "went on vigorously and they were in good
method and prospect of being finished." The lines on the sea front were
further extended and more guns were mounted.

On the last day of May a third meeting of the council of war was held at
which, after some debate, it was resolved to lay an embargo on all ships
bound for Europe for fourteen days, "when a good fleet of merchantmen
would be ready, whereby they might in some measure secure themselves."

Next day Thomas Wigfall in the sloop _Advice_ arrived with the
reassuring news that on the 4th or 6th of May, when the entire French
fleet was on its way to attack Curacao, the flagship of eighty-five guns
and two frigates ran on a reef near the Isle of Aves, and finding they
were in extreme peril fired guns to warn the remainder. This signal had
been misinterpreted as a summons to attend a council of war, and
several other ships "crowded in and there perished." All might have
shared their fate had not a small privateer given them notice of their
danger. The flagship went to pieces so quickly that Count d'Estres
narrowly escaped, and most of her crew were drowned. Altogether seven of
the finest ships of the royal navy of France, three privateers, and two
storeships, carrying 550 guns, were totally lost. Five hundred seamen
perished in the wreck. D'Estres made his way to Petit Goaves in
Hispaniola, where he had remained refitting until May 28, when he sailed
for France with the poor remnant of his formidable fleet, leaving five
hundred seamen behind. This catastrophe, Colonel Beeston wrote in his
_Journal_, "ended all our present fears of the French."[399]

The Council met again on June 7, when orders were made raising the
embargo on ships and terminating martial law as no longer necessary. The
sum of twenty pounds was voted for the hire of the sloop sent to
Hispaniola, and a gratuity of ten pounds to Thomas Wigfall, her master,
for "his particular good service and readiness to obey the Governor's
orders."[400]

By his activity and resourcefulness, displayed in this time of peril,
Morgan had quite recovered his former prestige, and was once more
regarded as the saviour of the colony.

Lord Carlisle finally arrived on July 18 in the fourth-rate frigate
_Jersey_ of 48 guns, accompanied by another frigate, conveying the two
newly raised companies of foot soldiers and a considerable supply of
military stores. He landed the next day and convened the Executive
Council, of whom only three members were absent through illness.

In his first official letter Carlisle reported that the defences of the
harbour had been greatly strengthened by the construction of two new
forts, the Rupert and the Carlisle, since the departure of Lord Vaughan,
through the diligence of Sir Henry Morgan. In expectation of a war with
France, many English privateers, that had obtained French commissions,
were coming in. He thought it would be difficult to find suitable
employment for them unless freedom of trade in logwood could be arranged
with the Spaniards. He had ordered both of the frigates to cruise for a
fortnight, and intended to attempt the recovery of the guns lost in
Knapman's ship and perhaps some of those lost in the late wreck of the
French fleet. He had suffered much from the gout during the voyage, but
had recovered at once after landing and had walked about more in the
last twelve days than he had done in several months before leaving
England, although in the heat of summer. The news of the disaster, which
had overtaken the French fleet, was first made known to him upon his
arrival, and the latest intelligence stated that of 2,500 men, who were
landed at Petit Goaves, nearly half had died and the rest were "in a
perishing condition. This voyage," he added grimly, "will turn to a very
ill account to His Most Christian Majesty."[401]

His own company of soldiers accompanied him to Spanish Town, while that
commanded by Morgan was quartered in the forts at Port Royal. Morgan was
then appointed _custos rotulorum_ or keeper of the records of that town,
and invested with the power of nominating civil magistrates as well as
the officers of its militia.

Carlisle very soon discovered that the constitutional changes directed
in his instructions were not likely to be cordially accepted by the
principal people.

    "I have spoken with several of the Council," he wrote, "and find
    some of them much dissatisfied at the alterations in the laws,
    and the manner of passing them, particularly at the latter part
    of the clause in the militia bill, 'but that in all things he
    may upon all occasions and emergencies act as captain-general
    and governor in chief, according to and in pursuance of the
    powers and authorities given unto him by his Majesty's
    commission; anything in this case, or any other to the contrary
    in any wise notwithstanding;' which they are jealous of, lest
    thereby they shall make it legal to execute all instructions
    that either are or shall be sent to me, or any succeeding
    governor; which scruple may easily be avoided, but that the
    great seal being affixed to the laws, I have no power to make
    alterations, which I might have done, both to their satisfaction
    and the preservation of the King's rights. The act for revenue,
    too, I fear will not without difficulty pass; but I shall
    endeavour all I can to bring them to pass, for which I have no
    greater inducements than my being here without any hopes from
    the present state of the treasury, which is exhausted and in
    debt for their new fortifications."[402]

The Council met again on August 8, and at the governor's request made an
order for one of the frigates to be sent to Isle  la Vache "for the
recovery of their own guns lost three years since in between five and
nine feet of water."[403]

Carlisle's gloomy forecast as to the attitude of the Assembly with
respect to the proposed alteration in the system of government was soon
fully justified. It was clearly described in his letter to Secretary
Coventry on September 11.

    "The Assembly met on the second instant," he wrote, "and I find,
    are so dissatisfied at the alteration of the government that I
    question whether they will pass any of these laws; they have
    objections against several of them; as the act for revenue that
    is perpetual and may not be diverted; they are nettled at the
    expression in the preamble that the revenue was raised by the
    Governor and Council; and though they cannot deny it to be the
    truth, yet they say that Council was elected by the people, and,
    though continued under the name of a Council, yet was in effect
    an Assembly of representatives of the people.

    "I have given into their hands a copy of that act and fourteen
    more, and gave them liberty to compare them with the originals.

    "The act of militia and some others I keep by me till I see
    what they will do with the ones they have. All the Acts are not
    yet transcribed for but one man can write at a time, and they
    are bulky, but I have enough to keep them employed. The Speaker
    came to me on Saturday, to desire liberty to adjourn for a few
    days, which I consented to, and they adjourned till Thursday
    morning. Lieut. Col. Beeston is the Speaker, who I recommended
    to them upon Sir H. Morgan's assurances that he would behave
    himself well. He hath the repute of an honest and discreet
    gentleman, though he signed the order about the privateer, at
    which so much offence was taken; but I am satisfied he was no
    further faulty than in complying with the directions of the
    Assembly; and I the rather proposed him (whom they had a mind to
    choose) to gain the point quietly, of recommending, which my
    Lord Vaughan, I am told, neglected to do.

    "The Assembly appointed a committee to compare these laws with
    their former; it is said they differ in many things, especially
    those laws last sent from Lord Vaughan, which are most usefully
    framed for their present benefit.

    "Popular discourses prevail here as well as in England; and I
    find a few men's notions have taken such place with the leading
    men of the Assembly that they rather set themselves to frame
    arguments against the present constitution than to accommodate
    things under it, I cannot yet tell you what course I shall take
    to remove this difficulty; but I will do the best I can. I find
    one man in the Council more faulty in this than any man in the
    Island, but am unwilling to name him till I have tried the
    utmost to reclaim him.

    "Whilst we are here busy about small matters, I doubt not your
    hands are full of greater and may, therefore, forget us. We hear
    that the French and Dutch are agreed."[404]

A treaty of peace between France and Holland had in fact been signed at
Nimeguen on August 10, and on September 17 a treaty was concluded at the
same place between France and Spain. Relations between England and
France had not become more friendly, and it was still thought probable
that the ambitious French monarch might seize a favourable opportunity
to send his formidable fleet to attack the defenceless English colonies
in America.

Lord Carlisle's letters to the Lords of Trade and Secretaries of State
give a very candid and clear account of his earnest efforts to influence
the Assembly by all his power of persuasion. It is stated that he
assured the members that the King considered Jamaica "as his darling
plantation and has taken more pains to make this island happy than any
other of his colonies."[405]

Many ineffectual conferences were held by him with the refractory
members, and Colonel Beeston, who had a personal knowledge of the facts,
noted that at times the governor became furiously angry and called some
of them "fools, asses, beggars, cowards."[406] The session dragged along
until October 12, when he dissolved the Assembly in anger and despair.
It then appeared that the member of his Council whom he blamed most for
giving its members advice to reject the bills proposed was Colonel
Samuel Long, the chief justice, a very able, ambitious and resolute man,
who was wealthy and possessed great influence. He had been secretary to
Cromwell's civil commissioners, and had resided in the island
continuously since its conquest. His extensive estates, known as "The
Seven Plantations," were among the largest, best cultivated, and most
productive in the colony. His personal acquaintance and intimacy with
the principal planters and merchants gave him great power.

On October 24 Carlisle gave his view of the political situation in a
long letter to the Lords of Trade.

    "I have met with the difficulties here I foresaw but could
    neither avoid nor prevent in England. The General Assembly
    meeting on the 2nd of September last, I recommended and sent to
    them the several bills I brought over under the great seal of
    England, for their consent to be enacted; but being much
    dissatisfied at the new frame of government and their losing
    their deliberative part of power in altering and amending laws,
    they would not pass any of them, but threw them all out; and
    prepared an address with a bill of impost on wines and other
    strong liquors for one year without giving me notice thereof, in
    such terms and form as was not fit for me to pass: but
    afterwards changing the style of enacting as directed in my
    instructions, with some other amendments to this bill, the
    public necessities of the island having contracted many debts
    for new fortifications, I gave the royal assent; and then, on
    the 12th this instant October I dissolved them. My earnest suit
    to all your Lordships is that you will please to have me in your
    Thoughts, and the present state of this colony under your
    Lordships' consideration for some expedient which may be
    elucidatory of the power given me by my commission and
    instructions, which may quiet the minds of persons generally
    dissatisfied in this island, which is most certainly under the
    greatest hopes of improvement of all the islands in the West
    Indies and therefore most fit to be encouraged, with the King's
    countenance and support, with good and acceptable laws."[407]

Other letters were written by him on the same day to the two Secretaries
of State, with whom he corresponded officially. He informed Coventry
that the _Jersey_ had recovered and brought to Port Royal twenty great
guns and some round shot. Many unfortunate English prisoners were still
kept in bondage by the Spaniards at Havana and other fortresses, of whom
he had obtained a list. About twelve hundred privateersmen were still
out, although some had come back since his arrival, and more were
expected from the encouragement he had given these men to stay in
Jamaica. Those still out were mostly cruising under French commissions.
Some of them in retaliation, they asserted, for wrongs done them by the
Spaniards, had lately taken the town of Campeachy and kept possession of
it for several days. If war should begin with France, Jamaica would need
their assistance most urgently, as, he said, "we have not above four
thousand whites, able to bear arms, a secret not fit to be made
public."[408]

To Williamson, Carlisle frankly revealed his troubles with the
Assembly.

    "The proceedings of the Assembly have been so cross-grained," he
    said, "that they have thrown out all the bills I brought under
    the Great Seal. Their disgust to the new frame of Government
    occasioned it. Some of the Laws were faulty themselves. I
    withstood some of these alterations for in some measure I
    foresaw what has happened. It rests now with the King and those
    about him to consider whether you will gratify the people in
    reverting to the former way. The dilatoriness of passing laws in
    a new colony I shall beg may be altered. I have taken more pains
    than I ever did in my life to make the Assembly sensible of the
    hurt they did themselves and the island, but all to no purpose;
    they will not consent to lose their deliberative power."[409]

Some weeks later he reverted to this perplexing problem in a second
letter to the Lords of Trade.

    "A fortnight ago I gave you an account upon what terms I had
    parted with the Assembly. I have since thoroughly considered of
    what might in this case most conduce to his Majesty's service,
    and could not think of any better expedient than to send the
    bearer, Mr. Atkinson, to wait upon your Lordships. He was
    secretary to Sir Thomas Lynch and my Lord Vaughan and has been
    enough acquainted with all my proceedings since my arrival, so
    as to be perfectly able to satisfy your Lordships in anything
    you may desire to know concerning the place, and to lay before
    you all the several interests of his Majesty relating to it.

    "My Lords, I find that the present form appointed for the making
    and passing of laws, considering the distance of the place, is
    very impracticable, besides very distasteful to the minds of the
    people here, as you may observe by the Assembly's address to me;
    and if your Lordships will please to move his Majesty to send me
    a general instruction to call another Assembly, and to re-enact
    and make what laws are fit for this place, I could then order
    the matter to conduce effectively to his Majesty's service. I
    have, by Mr. Atkinson, sent you drafts of such bills as are the
    most fundamental and chiefly concern his Majesty's interest; and
    I do assure you, that I will not in any material vary from them.
    He will, when your Lordships order him to attend you, lay them
    all before you, and, I believe, give your Lordships such
    thorough satisfaction that you will rest assured that what I
    desire is for his Majesty's service, and that I shall be enough
    enabled by it to settle everything upon so good a foundation
    that neither his Majesty nor your Lordships will ever repent of
    having made any deference to my opinion; in it, my Lords, much
    success depends upon dispatch, and of the circumstances Mr.
    Atkinson will give you an account."[410]

Nearly at the same time Carlisle wrote at much greater length to
Coventry, giving him an account of the measures he had taken to coerce
some recalcitrant members of the Council and Assembly.

    "On the 2d of September last the General Assembly met, but under
    so much dissatisfaction from the new frame of government and
    their losing the deliberative part of power in framing,
    altering, and amending laws that they spent near a fortnight
    very uneasily about some of the laws, and would have begun with
    the bill of revenue to have thrown out that first, as a mark of
    their disallowing the new measure of government, being so highly
    incensed that they were near questioning the King's power and
    authority to do it; insomuch that I, taking the maintenance
    thereof to be my charge, and finding some of the Council equally
    disgusted at the change of government, and foreseeing that it
    was like to encourage discontent in the Assembly, to take them
    off, and leave the Assembly upon their humour by themselves, I
    thought it absolutely necessary to put this question to each of
    the Council in these words: 'Do you submit and consent to this
    present form of government, which his Majesty hath been pleased
    to order for this island of Jamaica?' To which the chief
    justice, Col. Long, refused to answer with two more, Col.
    Charles Whitfield and Col. Thomas Freeman. The chief justice,
    being a man of very great influence upon the Assembly, I
    presently suspended, and gave the other two (less dangerous)
    till morning to consider on it. And then the chief justice sent
    to me his submission under his hand and Col. Freeman submitted;
    but Col. Charles Whitfield, otherwise a very good man, went away
    into the country.

    "The Assembly received and examined all the laws I brought over,
    and drew up all their reasons for not passing them; of each
    many were very frivolous, and the best was, because they were
    not compared with and amended by the last laws of my Lord
    Vaughan's, now with you, and received some two days before my
    coming away, the fleet then staying in the Downs, and my
    departure much pressing upon the expectation of war. These
    reasons against the revenue bill I answered individually; but no
    means either I myself, the Council, or both could use, would
    prevail with them to pass any one of them; and I look upon this
    to be their chief reason, by not passing them they might better
    show their dislike of that new way of government; though urged
    this, for their enjoying a power of altering and amending laws,
    the necessity of changing them as often as occasions do require,
    and the distance from this place is so great, that before the
    King's approbation can be obtained to a law and returned hither,
    it may be fit for the public good either to lay that law aside,
    or much to change and alter it; and, indeed, in this part of the
    objection I think they are in the right, for that they will want
    temporary laws till the colony be better grown; and, upon
    thorough consideration of the whole matter in this part, I am of
    opinion it is very advisable and requisite that there should be
    leave and power from the King, to make laws (not relating to his
    Majesty's power and prerogative) to endure for some term till
    his royal approbation may be had therein; and of this I do
    earnestly entreat your care.

    "Having used all methods possible with the several members
    apart, and jointly with the body of the Assembly for the passing
    of the laws, I was after many conferences and debates, and
    several adjournments, frustrated, and they threw them all out.
    Afterwards in a full body, by the Speaker, they gave me the
    enclosed address, and presented to me for a public impost,
    prepared without giving me notice thereof, in such terms and
    form as was not fit for me to pass it in; but at last in some
    part consented to such amendment as I and the Council thought
    fit, changing the style of enacting as directed in my
    instructions, but restraining it to one year, from a fear that,
    if they should have made it perpetual, they should be assembled
    no more, but be governed by Governor and Council as they were in
    Col. D'Oyley's time, when they enacted laws not only for the
    revenue but other occasions, by Governor and Council, and in
    some part of Sir Charles Lyttelton's time, as appears by our
    council book upon the place; and Sir Thomas Modyford had an
    instruction to continue this revenue by order of Governor and
    Council, the Assembly in his life time passing it perpetual; and
    in Sir Thomas Lynch's time the Assembly made it perpetual, but,
    for want of the King's consent, they are both fallen; but now,
    the Assembly say they are of a better understanding than to give
    the reins out of their own hands.

    "To this bill, the island's affairs being under great pressure,
    from public debts contracted for the new fortifications and
    salaries already due, I gave the royal assent; and then being
    the 12th instant, I dissolved them.

    "Which having done, and not being satisfied with the behaviour
    of the Assembly, in their proceedings in relation to the
    government I stood charged with, most of them being in military
    trusts, I put this question to each of them: 'Do you submit to
    this form of government, which his Majesty hath been pleased to
    order for this island of Jamaica?' To which several of them
    neither gave me a cheerful nor dutiful answer; some did, and at
    this some are much dissatisfied."[411]

Carlisle's attention was next drawn very definitely to a disturbing
renewal of unlawful hostilities with the Spaniards. About the middle of
October a Jamaican privateer commanded by Captain Spencer sailed
confidently into Port Royal with a valuable Spanish ship as a prize.
Three months before, in company with Captain Nevill, at the head of 130
men, he had taken the town of San Francisco de Campeche by surprise.
Landing in the night about six miles distance from that place, they had
avoided the outposts by following a little-frequented path through the
woods, and entered its main street at sunrise. Taking possession of two
guns on the parade without resistance, they turned them against the
fort. The few inhabitants who were astir, seeing them marching with arms
in regular order towards the fort, mistook them for Spanish soldiers and
bid them good morning, until undeceived by the sound of musketry. The
fort was easily taken and with the town held for ransom for several days
until they received the money demanded. "For all which," remarked the
candid diarist, Beeston, "they had their pardon, and leave to come in
and spend their plunder."[412]

The great activity of the Jamaican logwood traders and the zealous
efforts of the Spanish _guarda costas_ to suppress them had caused
frequent collisions, with bloodshed, and gave the privateers, who had
engaged in that commerce, a plausible pretext for making raids upon the
coast towns of Central America. For some years after the conquest of
Jamaica, the English privateers cruising in the Gulf of Honduras and the
Bay of Campeachy had captured Spanish ships laden with logwood, but as
they were ignorant of its value, they had either set these prizes adrift
or burned them for the ironwork, which they saved. At last a certain
Captain James, having taken a large ship with a cargo of logwood, took
her to England to be converted into a privateer, and sold the wood at a
very good price, although he had known so little of its real value that
he had burned much of it for fuel on the voyage. After his return to
Jamaica, the English ships cruising near that coast soon discovered many
uninhabited places where logwood grew abundantly near the shore and
could be cut with little difficulty, near Cape Catoche and the banks of
the river Champeton. In some parts they found wood already cut and
brought to the seaside for shipment. These stores they plundered with
impunity until the Spaniards stationed guards to protect them. Then some
Englishmen began cutting logwood in unfrequented bays near Cape Catoche,
but soon after found a more convenient and safer resort in the lonely
lagoon between the island of Trist and the mainland in the eastern part
of the Bay of Campeachy, known to the Spaniards as Laguna de Terminos or
the Lagoon of Tides. Into this narrow inlet, some thirty miles in
length, the tide races fiercely and rises to an unusual height. On the
islands and the shores of many small streams flowing into this lagoon,
logwood grew luxuriantly and made the air fragrant in blossom-time with
the delightful scent of its yellow flowers. About ten years earlier,
after the first proclamation of peace with Spain, some of the Jamaican
privateers had begun to collect logwood at this place. Sometimes they
showed little scruple as to the means by which they secured a cargo.

    "If they found any Barks here," wrote Dampier, whose evidence is
    unimpeachable, "either light or laden, they made bold to take
    and sell both the Ships and the Indian Sailors that belonged to
    them. This they would tell was by way of Reprizal for some
    former Injuries received from the Spaniards: for the Governours
    of Jamaica knew nothing of it, neither durst the Spaniards
    complain; for at that Time they used to seize all the English
    Ships they met with in these Parts, not sparing even such as
    came laden with Sugar from Jamaica, and were bound for England;
    especially if they had Logwood on board. This was done openly,
    for the Ships were carried into Havana, there sold, and the men
    imprisoned without any Redress."[413]

In a few years a settlement of two or three hundred English
logwood-cutters was formed on the islands and shores of the lagoon of
Trist. Most of them had been privateersmen and were of course just as
handy in the use of cutlass, pike, and musket as they were in that of
the axe or saw. Small sloops came regularly from Jamaica to buy the wood
they cut, for which they paid in rum and sugar. Their arrival was the
signal for a revel of drinking and feasting which often lasted for days.

    "Besides what Rum we sold by the Gallon or Firkin," Dampier
    stated, "we sold it made into Punch, wherewith they grew
    Frolicksome. We had none but small Arms to fire at their
    drinking Healths, and therefore the Noise was not very great at
    a distance, but on Board the Vessels we were loud enough till
    all our Liquor was spent. We took no money for it, nor expected
    any; for Logwood was what we came hither for and we had that in
    lieu of our Commodities after the Rate of five Pound per Ton, to
    be paid at the Place where they cut it."[414]

On a neighbouring island, to which the Spaniards had given the name of
St. Peter and St. Paul, where pasture was good and plentiful, a Spaniard
from Campeachy, named Juan d'Acosta, had turned out cattle to graze,
and they had increased remarkably in a wild state. To that place he came
annually with his servants to kill surplus animals for their hides and
tallow only. Finding some of the logwood-cutters shooting on this island
he asked them politely to desist from frightening his cattle, and
promised in return to supply them with beef. His offer was accepted and
they faithfully abstained from hunting on that island, which they named
the Isle of Beef. His friendly relations with them were discovered by
the Spanish governor, who imprisoned him as a penalty, and the island
was wholly abandoned to the English woodsmen.

The labour of cutting logwood in the hot and humid climate of the
Honduran coast was most exhausting, as the trees were felled by severing
the roots and digging out the entire tree. The bark and sap-wood was
chipped and the tree sawn into portable logs. These heavy sticks were
then carried or dragged by hand to the water's edge. It was not
surprising that some of these restless men wearied of such a tiring and
monotonous occupation, and sought to vary it by reverting at times to
their former way of life.

    "The more industrious sort of them came hither," wrote Dampier,
    "yet even these, though they could work well enough if they
    pleased, yet thought it a dry Business to toil at Cutting Wood.
    They were good Marksmen, and so took more delight in Hunting;
    but neither of these Employments affected them so much as
    Privateering; therefore they often made Sallies out in small
    Parties among the nearest Indian Towns; where they plundered and
    brought away the Indian Women to serve them in their Huts, and
    sent their Husbands to be sold at Jamaica; besides they had not
    forgot their old Drinking-bouts, and would still spend 30 or
    40 at a sitting on board the Ships that came hither from
    Jamaica; carousing and firing of Guns three or four days
    together."[415]

Quarrels in which men were badly hurt and even killed were not uncommon.
In one of these the noted Captain Robert Searle met his death on a small
sandy islet at the northern end of this lagoon, which has ever since
been known as Searle's Cay.

The notorious lawlessness of many of these logwood-cutters soon caused
Carlisle considerable anxiety, and he proposed in consequence an
extension of his jurisdiction over their settlements in the Bay of
Campeachy.

    "Since the 15th December," he wrote near the end of January,
    1679, "I have had many complaints from Trist in the Bay of
    Campeachy, of the disorders owing to the want of some government
    for the security of life and property; which once secured, would
    profit this Island and settle the logwood trade, without which
    England's interest in these parts will not be so duly improved
    nor Jamaica so well supported. I therefore beg that an early
    arrangement may be agreed on with the Spaniards, who, if they
    will not grant logwood, must of necessity expose their gold and
    silver to a number of English, who are abroad and have nothing
    to live on but the logwood trade. . . . The French", he added
    with marked significance, "have lately sacked Marrikey,
    Truxillo, and another town of the Spaniards on the Main, and
    brought off great booty to Petit Guavos in Hispaniola."[416]

His former letter on the subject of the trade in logwood had been
carefully considered by a committee of the Privy Council, and on
receiving their report an order had been made that "care be taken in the
next treaty with Spain to adjust the Trade of Logwood, and that the Earl
of Carlisle discourage as much as in him lyeth all Persons under his
government from cutting any logwood at Campeche, or any other part of
the King of Spain's dominions, and induce the privateers to apply
themselves to planting upon the Island of Jamaica."[417]

When his second letter dealing with the same subject was received, it
was referred to the Lords of Trade, who, as the result of further
inquiry, reported that "the island [of Trist] is surrounded on all sides
by the Spanish Plantations on the Main, and although not actually
possessed by the Spaniards has always been accounted part of their
dominions, and we are therefore of opinion that no habitation or
government can be allowed or maintained there by your Majesty without
violation of the Treaty which forbids your subjects to sail or trade in
the havens of the Catholic King in the West Indies." They accordingly
advised that Lord Carlisle should be guided by the terms of the
preceding order in Council. In the same report the diligence of Sir
Henry Morgan in strengthening the defences of Port Royal with two new
batteries was commended to the favourable notice of the King.[418]

The objections raised in the address from the Assembly against the
acceptance of the laws presented to them for ratification were
controverted at great length by the committee of the Privy Council, and
the King was advised to empower Lord Carlisle to call another Assembly
and

    "to represent unto them the great Convenience and Expediency of
    accepting and consenting unto such laws. . . . transmitted unto
    them. And that in case of Refusal, his Lordship be furnisht with
    such Powers as were formerly given unto Colonel Doyly your first
    Governor of Jamaica and since to other Governors, whereby his
    Lordship may be enabled to govern according to the Laws of
    England, when the different nature and Constitution of that
    Colony may conveniently permit the same, and in other cases to
    act with the advice of the Council in such manner as shall be
    necessary and proper for the good Government of that
    Plantation."[419]

In the letter of advice written to Carlisle objection was particularly
made to clauses in the acts lately passed by the Assembly, "most
prejudicial to his Majesty's rights and prerogatives in the
appropriation and disposal of quit-rents and in declaring the laws of
England to be in force in Jamaica."[420] He was, however, authorized to
continue the existing laws in force by a special proclamation until
further instructions were given him.[421]

An unprecedentedly large appropriation was made for salaries and
establishments amounting to 582, being much greater than for any other
English colony except Virginia.[422] The ordnance delivered for the
defences of the island was valued at 18,923, or nearly half of the
entire sum expended for that purpose in all the colonies from 1660 to
1676.[423]

Carlisle transmitted an official report on the trade and commerce of
Jamaica for seven years and nine months between 25th of June, 1671, and
the 25th of March, 1679, by which it appeared that 5,396 "Christians"
and 11,816 negroes had arrived in that time as passengers, servants, or
slaves. Of the latter class three-fourths had been imported directly
from Guinea and the remainder from other "plantations". At least
one-fourth of the "Christians" who had arrived, had "gone off."

The chief article of export was sugar amounting to 7,657 tons, but it
was remarked that the tonnage of the island was so "generous" that each
ton of sugar exported was equivalent to three thousand gross pounds. The
other exports were 5,119 tons of logwood, none of it having been grown
in Jamaica, 2,357 tons of fustic, 305 tons of indigo, 177 tons of
ginger, 134 tons of pimento, 44 tons of cacao, 43 tons of tobacco, 866
bags of cotton, and 38,567 hides. In the last year forty-seven ships had
been loaded at Port Royal for England. Eighty sail were employed in the
coasting traffic or in trading with the Spanish possessions, the value
of the last-named branch of commerce being estimated at 20,000 during
the last sixteen months.[424]

In the midsummer of 1679, the sudden appearance of a powerful French
fleet in sight of the coast of Jamaica threw the people into a turmoil
of alarm and excitement. Shortly before midnight on July 7, eight large
ships of war were discovered approaching the harbour of Port Royal.
Alarm guns were fired and the garrison manned the batteries. Messengers
were sent off in the utmost haste to warn the governor, who was at his
country house in the hills of Guanaboa, twenty-two miles away. By riding
hard he arrived at Port Royal before daybreak and found the place in a
good state for defence.

During the morning the Comte d'Erveaux, a knight of Malta, accompanied
by some other French officers of lower rank, came on shore with a letter
from the admiral asking permission to take on wood and water at
Bluefields Bay or Point Negril near the leeward end of the island, with
the statement that he was on his way to Cartagena to demand the release
of some French prisoners. Having been driven out of his course by
violent gales, he had decided to sail to Havana on the same mission and
was unwilling to trust to Spanish courtesy for obtaining those necessary
supplies, and feared that a refusal might end in a quarrel.

This casual visit from prospective enemies had not unnaturally aroused
strong suspicion and the request was granted with some misgiving.

    "To what end these French are come here, we cannot possibly
    learn," Carlisle wrote, "they say against the Spaniards but the
    people distrust their speech. They admired the island but said
    they should have a better in Cuba. They were respectfully
    treated from morning till evening, when a small frigate came
    into the harbour mouth, took them aboard and after saluting the
    fort, stood off to the fleet, which was cruising all day about
    two leagues to the windward of the Port. The Point was so
    alarmed that the inhabitants removed their goods and families
    for fear of a French descent; and several sloops coming in with
    advice that the French fleet was standing off to windward, this
    so increased their jealousies that I called a Council to the
    Point. It was agreed that a council of war should be held and
    martial law proclaimed for 30 days. The whole of the
    inhabitants, soldiers, and slaves were set to work to increase
    the fortifications, I being very glad of the opportunity of
    carrying on work which would otherwise have gone on very slowly.
    Still in my opinion the French aim rather at Havana, and if they
    get possession of this, the key to the West Indies, as they
    certainly may unless obstructed by England, they will command
    the treasure of this part of the world more to the prejudice of
    England than the Spaniards."[425]

The frigate _Hunter_ and two small sloops were sent out to watch the
movements of the French fleet and five days later information came from
Bluefields that several of its ships were lying quietly at anchor in the
bay.

    "This has quieted the people, who feared they were to windward",
    Carlisle remarked. "The occurrence has done us more good than
    harm, but the generality of the people will not give up their
    opinion that the French fleet when reinforced is designed
    against this Island. The common law will take place nine days
    before the meeting of the Assembly. . . .

    "Pray move the Master of the Ordnance to hasten to us
    gun-carriages, powder, and small arms; the alarm has occasioned
    the using of all we had in store; and also move the King to
    order recruits for the two companies under pay here. I shall
    continue or shorten the duration of martial law according to the
    progress of our new defences."[426]

His recent orders had not made the task of administration any lighter,
as none of his conciliatory recommendations had been approved. On August
8 he informed the Council that he had received instructions to
discourage cutting logwood in Spanish territory, and to invite the
privateers to return to Jamaica and encourage them to become planters by
the offer of a doubled allotment of land. Writs were issued for the
election of members of an Assembly to meet on August 19, and martial law
was continued in force until then to ensure the completion of a new
battery on the point at Port Royal. It was resolved that when the
_Hunter_ returned from a cruise around the island in search of
privateers, she should be sent to Cartagena to demand the release of the
masters of several sloops belonging to Port Royal, who, according to
report, were confined there as prisoners, "which much exasperates the
people's heart against the Spaniards", Carlisle wrote. "They seize our
ships for cacao as well as logwood."

Under date of August 20, Colonel Beeston, who had been elected as a
member of the Assembly for the two parishes of Port Royal and St.
Andrew, and chosen as speaker of the House for the fourth time in
succession, noted in his journal that letters to Sir Thomas Modyford and
others had stated that "the island was sold to the French which
discouraged many."

As a result of this disquieting rumour, the whole of the members went in
a body to call upon the governor "to hear what he could tell them of an
alarm of the French fleet." To this question he candidly replied that he
"saw no letter, only was advised of one written by Colonel Hilliard
[from Barbados] to Sir Thomas Modyford that the French designed for this
place; but that he believed we might have time to put ourselves in a
better posture; for as we now are he did not believe us safe, and that
should they attack us now he would not give half a year's purchase for
any man's estate on the island."[427]

This forceful warning was followed by a resolution of the Council on
August 22, inviting the Assembly to appoint a committee to meet with one
of its own to report what additional fortifications were necessary for
the safety of Port Royal. A committee of nine, headed by Colonel John
Colebeck of St. Dorothy, were appointed. Sir Henry Morgan was at once
chosen as chairman of the joint committee, and the whole went
immediately to view the defences of the harbour. Morgan's advice and his
remarkable success in the employment of a fireship at Maracaibo had
great weight in their deliberations.[428]

Their written report, signed by Morgan and thirteen others, made
recommendations showing a serious degree of alarm.

    "1st. That in order to the present security of Port Royal the
    graft[429] be sunk where the water now stands without the
    breastwork.

    "2nd. That the breastwork be reinforced the best way it may be
    done in a short time.

    "3rd. That platforms be laid and guns mounted on the two new
    lines.

    "4th. That four fireships be forthwith provided, or at least the
    materials for them.

    "5th. That the point be trenched in the several places the
    Lieutenant-General shall think fit for the better serving the
    small shot.

    "6th. That two ships or more be placed in the harbour side,
    above the breastwork, so as their broadsides may flank the
    ground both within and without the graft.

    "7th. That if time will allow more be done in order to the
    future strengthening the place, stone and lime be brought in
    place and the lime for a new fort, according to His Excellency's
    propounding, to be begun without the breastwork and carried on
    as time and materials will allow us to proceed with the
    building."[430]

On August 26 at night letters were received from England containing a
copy of the order of the Privy Council for the resubmission of the laws
sent out to the Assembly for their adoption, which the governor read to
the Council next morning. The Assembly had then been in session for
seven days, with the object of renewing the act for raising revenue,
which would expire on September 2. There had been some change in the
composition of the House, but none in its determination to assert its
independence. After the meeting of the Council, Carlisle summoned the
Assembly and read to the members both the order of the Privy Council and
the letter from the King, which, he said, he hoped would have a good
effect, as "they came at a good time so much contrary to their
expectation."[431]

After spending a day in debate, the Speaker presented an address stating
that the orders made known to them required much consideration, and
"finding the present juncture of time insufficient to debate so great a
business, being under apprehension of danger from the French fleet",
requested the governor either to prorogue the Assembly or allow them to
adjourn for two months or such period as he thought advisable, and in
the meantime they were willing to renew the existing revenue act for
four or six months. To this proposal Carlisle agreed without much
hesitation.

    "Finding them nettled and warm," he reported, "I thought it
    discretion to let them take time to digest their thoughts; and,
    having continued the revenue bill for six months longer from the
    1st of September next, I passed it and then prorogued them till
    the 28th of October following. The apprehension of the Island
    from the French fleet is very great, and hence the Assembly
    desired not only the putting off all the grand Courts, but that
    a council of war should be called and martial law constituted
    for putting the Island into a posture of defence, which is now
    our present purpose and business. I returned late last night
    from viewing the several parts where it may be most proper to
    strengthen old works or erect new for the safety of Port Royal.
    I doubt not of our success to the great contentment of the
    inhabitants here, who are very angry with the Spaniards and not
    less jealous of the French. Please send me copies of all
    treaties that I am likely to want, also of Col. Doyley's
    instructions, and a commission under the Great Seal of
    England."[432]

All these preparations for resisting an invasion were made under the
directions and personal supervision of Sir Henry Morgan as
Lieutenant-General. A proclamation was next issued inviting all absent
privateersmen to return and receive liberal grants of crown lands, and
prohibiting the cutting of logwood on Spanish territory.

In a later letter to the Lords of Trade, Carlisle stated that he had
prorogued the Assembly on the advice of the Council.

    "Hoping that in that time," he said, "they would fall off their
    heat, and upon recollection, better bethink themselves of their
    duties and allegiance; and upon my offering them again the laws,
    which I propose to do upon their first meeting, better
    demonstrate their obedience by readily giving their consent that
    they might be enacted.

    "But from what I can learn from the chief leaders among them, I
    find the same averseness as formerly, averring that they will
    submit to wear but never to make chains, as they term this form
    of government, for their posterities, so that I can scarce
    expect better success. . . . Since my arrival I have had so many
    difficulties from the untowardness of a dissatisfied people and
    the danger from the French fleet, that I have had work enough to
    compose their fears and encourage them to keep up and repair
    their fortifications."[433]

He had anxiously watched the progress of work upon the forts, and
ordered the strict enrolment of all white males in the militia, between
the age of sixteen and sixty, who had resided in the island for a month
or more. The total number of persons thus found liable for military
service was reported to be 4,526.

After spending several days in Port Royal, Carlisle wrote on September
15 in no very cheerful frame of mind, giving a lucid account of his
extremely perplexing situation.

    "On Friday morning I went with Sir Henry Morgan to Three Rivers,
    some 12 miles from the Point, and thence round the Cod of the
    Great Harbour to the Rock, where we observed the properest
    passes to secure both the Point and Liguania in case of an
    attack by land. A hundred more negroes are to be added to the
    slaves of the Point to carry on the fortifications there.

    "There are", he continued, "parishes without churches; few
    people and those at a great distance from one another;
    registries of christenings and burials unsettled, most families
    burying their dead about their private houses. . . .

    "In a former letter I conjectured our force of listed men at
    4,000 whites and 50,000 blacks and Indians, of which last there
    are some in most plantations, excellent fishermen and fowlers
    and skilful with cattle. I have since had lately returned to me
    lists of the general musters through the Island, which few men
    can have escaped, the law requiring all to be within a certain
    time listed at their place of residence. The total is a little
    above 4,000 fighting men, though we have reputation with our
    neighbours for 20,000 and thus are formidable to them; so
    silence in this particular is a great security. This number of
    whites is one-fifth short of the proportion required by law,
    viz. one white to ten blacks, which cannot be well made up by
    servants that come hither, for they make good no more than the
    deaths and departures of others from the Island. It must be by
    the removal of families and the growth of youth here, very hardy
    and much delighted in arms, that our necessities must in time be
    answered. . . .

    "From what I can gather from the leaders, the Assembly will
    abide by their former resolution, and on their meeting on 28
    October, will not be prevailed with to pass the laws. They will
    submit, they say, to wear what His Majesty shall please to
    order, but they will not make chains for their posterities. . . .

    "The inhabitants are in great dread of danger from the French
    men-of-war in these seas. Report states that Count d'Estres,
    now to leeward, as we suppose at Havana, and another squadron to
    windward, will rendezvous a month hence at Hispaniola; their
    hunters there have orders to have such a supply of dried
    provision ready for them as shows their purpose on us or the
    Spaniard. The Spaniards have lately given them a just
    provocation by taking a small vessel called a snow, with thirty
    men belonging to Count d'Estres. The same Spanish man-of-war
    shortly before took a sloop belonging to Port Royal and carried
    the men prisoners to Porto Bello, where the English were not
    only relieved with money, but by the friendship of the Bishop of
    Panama, discharged, and their sloop delivered to them, and the
    thirty Frenchmen put on board her to be transported hither; when
    on their application to me I furnished them with money and a
    sloop to go to windward to Petit Guavos with them. Since that a
    sloop of the Royal African Company has foundered at sea upon the
    coast of Hispaniola with negroes. The Agent of the Company sent
    to Petit Guavos and M. de Pouancy immediately dispatched a sloop
    with provisions to them, but arriving too late (most of them
    having been fetched off by a sloop sent from here by the
    Company's factor) the French sloop came down hither with a
    letter to me and Sir Henry Morgan to help the master to his
    freight from the Company's factors. So we and the French are as
    yet very friendly. We are less well treated by the Spaniards who
    have lately taken many of our ships laden with logwood and
    cacao, sparing none that they can overpower at sea. One Paul
    Abney was lately taken, with his sloop and passengers, prisoners
    by a Spanish man-of-war, belonging to a squadron of five called
    the Barlovento fleet,[434] commanded by the Vice-Admiral of
    Cartagena; and the sloop, having only cacao on board, was
    plundered. Abney produced my pass to the Vice-Admiral who wiped
    his breech with it and threw it at him again; converted the
    cargo of the sloop to his own use, and forced him to sign a
    receipt of having received money for the same (which indeed he
    had not) or else not to be discharged. Abney has sworn that when
    on board with the Vice-Admiral he saw five other masters of
    ships on board, lately taken prisoners by the Spaniards, and one
    of them in irons. He brought letters from them to their
    relations at the Point complaining of their barbarous usage,
    which exasperates the people much against the Spaniards, who at
    the King's pleasure might so easily be humbled. . . .

    "We have now 100 guns mounted at Port Royal but only 100 barrels
    of powder."[435]

Only two days later he wrote again to announce that Sir Henry Morgan had
received "certain intelligence from the master of a sloop arrived at
Port Royal, that seven days since six French ships of war passed by the
Isle of Ash, whereof four very large and two of smaller rates.
Undoubtedly they come to join with Count d'Estres, according to our
first accounts. This suiting with the time of their appointed rendezvous
much increases the fears of the people here, of whose entertaining them
I doubt not if our powder answer but our time of service."[436]

The opportune arrival of the frigate _Success_ from England, which he
retained at Port Royal "to countenance the harbour, where", he said,
"the people still dread the appearance of the French fleet", enabled him
to despatch the _Hunter_ to Cartagena to demand the release of all
English prisoners.[437]

In the midst of these alarms the former able governor and chief justice,
Sir Thomas Modyford, died at Spanish Town and was buried there in the
Cathedral Church, where the eulogistic inscription commemorating him may
still, with some difficulty, be read.

    "Mistake not Reader, for here lyes not onely the capital
    Deceased Body of the Honbble Sr. Thomas Modyford, Barronett, but
    even the Soule and Life of all Jamaica, who first made it what
    it now is. Here lyes the best and longest Governour, the most
    considerable Planter, the ablest and most upright Judge this
    Island ever injoyed.

    "He dyed the second of September, 1679."[438]

Carlisle's forecast of the probable action of the Assembly proved
entirely correct. Martial law had been proclaimed in accordance with
their wishes on September 2 and was continued in force until October 27,
the day before their meeting, when all fear of an immediate invasion had
vanished. The members then showed not the slightest disposition to
accede to the governor's proposals for carrying into effect the recent
royal instructions.

    "The Assembly meeting on the 28th of October," Carlisle wrote,
    "I, with the Council, went to them, commanded the [Privy]
    Council's report of the 21st of May and His Majesty's letter of
    the 31st of May last to be read again to them; pressed them very
    much to consider how much it imported at this juncture, for the
    interest of the Island that they should pass these laws I
    brought to them under the Great Seal of England, or at least
    part of them, desiring that any one or more of the Assembly
    would then and there argue the reasonableness of their objection
    which none of them would undertake; and so I left the body of
    laws with them. They having the last sessions passed the vote
    that the raising of money and the disposing of it was the
    inherent right of the Assembly, (of which I had no account,
    either from the members or their Speaker, in fourteen days
    afterwards, they presuming it to be their privilege that their
    proceedings should be kept secret from me), I then appointed and
    swore them a clerk, which before used to be of their own choice;
    and this they are very uneasy under.

    "They then proceeded to read over the body of laws;
    notwithstanding the great care, pains, and trouble I had taken
    with them, both apart individually as well as assembled
    together, they threw out and rejected all the laws, again
    adhering to their former reasons, rather than admitting and
    honouring those from their Lordships for rules of obedience.

    "I thereupon presently, with the Council, framed a bill of
    revenue indefinite and sent that to them; but that had no better
    success; and they then attended me with the Address to be
    presented to His Majesty, which I herewith send you; as also the
    humble desire of justification of His Majesty's Council
    thereupon, which I and they earnestly desire your favour in
    humbly presenting to His Majesty, being unanimously agreed to by
    all the Council, but Col. Samuel Long, Chief Justice of the
    island, whom I have found all along since my arrival here to be
    a most pertinacious abettor and cherisher of the Assembly's
    stubbornness in opposing this new frame of government; having
    had a hand (being their Speaker) in the leaving the King's name
    out of the revenue bill, refuses to join with the Council in
    this their genuine act, and has sufficiently possessed himself
    of the opinion of the Assembly, by advising and assisting them
    in the framing of their Address; thinking their resolutions to
    be as inalterable as his own, he is withdrawn to his plantation,
    some thirty miles off from this town, where at this juncture we
    have most need of Council.

    "Upon serious and deliberate consideration of all which I have
    sent him his '_quietus_', and appointed Col. Robert Byndloss,
    chief justice in his place, of whose fidelity to the King's
    interest I have many proofs, having formerly executed the place,
    and was now one of the judges of the supreme court.

    "I have also suspended Col. Long from being one of the Council,
    to bring or send him, with six more of the Assembly, to attend
    the King in Council in England to support their own opinions,
    reasons, and Address, wherein they are not ordinarily positive;
    and this I do from the Council here unanimously agreeing that
    there is no other or better expedient for the settlement of this
    government to a general consent."[439]

In his letter to the Lords of Trade on the same embarrassing subject,
the governor added some further explanatory observations.

    "This Address is founded greatly upon the advice of
    Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Long, Chief Justice of the island, and
    one of the King's Council, who principally contends for the old
    frame of government, of whom the Assembly is highly opinionated,
    and esteem him as the patron of their rights and privileges as
    Englishmen, who had a hand in leaving the King's name out of the
    revenue bill, being then Speaker, and denies not his having a
    hand in framing and advising some parts of the Address, which in
    the whole is not truth: for,

    "1stly. Whereas they alledge that the civil government commenced
    in my Lord Windsor's time; it is generally known and recorded in
    our Council Book, fifteen months before, in Colonel D'Oyley's
    time, and will be proved by Sir Thomas Lynch, who then himself
    had occasion of a trial by jury, the foreman of which was
    Colonel Byndloss.

    "2ndly. They alledge the readiness of governors to use martial
    law, particularly in Sir Thomas Lynch's time; which is here
    contradicted, for there was only an order in council for the
    putting it in force upon condition of any actual descent or
    invasion, and not otherwise; neither was it on foot really all
    this time, as I am credibly informed upon good inquiry.

    "3rdly. As for its being in force in my time, it was not from my
    affecting, but the Council advising and their desiring it; as
    also the putting off the Courts till February, in favour
    generally of the planters. Then, for their alledging so much to
    be done during the martial law, wholly at the charge of the
    country; that it is done is true, but the charge thereof they
    would clog the revenue bill with, amounting to twelve hundred
    and twenty-eight pounds, there is not yet made payment of one
    farthing, nor any prospect how it may, since the revenue is so
    much anticipated from the want of money in the treasury,
    occasioned by my Lord Vaughan's letting fall the bill of revenue
    before his departure."[440]

Before the end of the session, however, he was able to state that the
removal of Colonel Long from office had made the Assembly "a little more
sedate" in their proceedings. At length they had imposed a parochial tax
to pay the debt incurred for the new fortifications at Port Royal and
had prepared a bill to continue the existing revenue act for another
year, which he was "inclined to accept from prudence".[441]

The town of Port Royal was required to contribute 500 to defray the
cost of its fortification, while the large neighbouring parishes of St.
Andrew and St. Catherine were assessed for only 150 each and the more
distant ones for still smaller sums.

Enraged by their exclusion from the trade in logwood, which they
bitterly denounced as a mean-spirited concession to the selfish policy
of the Spanish court, some of the most daring privateers deliberately
set the governor's proclamation at defiance and did their utmost to
bring on another war with Spain. Several ships commanded by John Coxon,
Batharpe, Bithing, and Sawkins, fitted out and manned at Jamaica, raided
ports and plantations on the coast of Honduras and brought off to Port
Royal their plunder, consisting of five hundred chests of indigo and a
great quantity of cacao, cochineal, and tortoise-shell, besides some
money and silver plate. These stolen goods were there sold to dealers
and "landed often at noon-day". Nearly at the same time Captain Cook
landed in Cuba, where he lay in ambush until a Spanish ship laden with
cacao came within his reach, which he captured.

    "The cacao was brought in by shallops and paid customs and was
    landed and shared. This I write," said the author of a
    contemporary newsletter, "not out of prejudice I have to any
    one, but believing as most others do, that these things will be
    laid on the back of the Country, as most miscarriages are, when
    in truth they are exceedingly against it, knowing that His
    Majesty had commanded a peace with the Spaniards; and besides it
    hinders and discourages the manufacture of this place, for those
    that can buy privateer-goods cheap will not lay out their money
    on such unless they can have them much under the usual
    price. . . . So long as they see they can bring in their goods,
    paying custom, they will daily increase and great depredations will
    be made on the Spaniards."[442]

The sudden fall in prices caused by the introduction of considerable
quantities of these plundered commodities, which were sold for what they
could fetch, caused instant and indignant protests from both merchants
and planters. The governor's annoyance and perplexity were plainly
confessed in his letter.

    "About the opening of the session a depredation was made on the
    Spaniards in the Bay of Honduras by English, French, and others,
    the usual composition of privateers. These vessels were
    commanded by persons belonging to Jamaica, of whom I had some
    jealousy before they left Port Royal, so I stopped several of
    their men and took security from some of the commanders for
    their good behaviour. Notwithstanding my care they made their
    venture, and returning to uncertain stations, hovered about this
    island. The smaller of them having, without my knowledge, landed
    her cargo of indigo in the remotest parts of the island to
    leeward, the rest, who had not landed their load, reported that
    unless they were permitted to bring it into harbour on paying
    the King's duty, they would leave their interests in Jamaica and
    sail to Rhode Island or the Dutch, where they would be well
    entertained. Upon the first news I ordered H.M.S. _Success_ to
    cruise for them, which seized the empty vessel and brought her
    to Port Royal. H.M.S. _Hunter_, having a few days before coasted
    round the Island for privateers, returned with one Cornelius
    Essex, commander of the _Great Dolphin_, who was tried with
    twenty of his men for riotously comporting themselves and for
    plundering Major Jenckes[443] of St. James' parish in this
    Island, and two of them sentenced to death. The indigo landed
    was laden in small sloops and by them entered in the Custom
    House at Port Royal. The quantity thereof having much abated the
    price, it has taken for some little time the place of our native
    sugar and indigo; though in the main the Island is in truth much
    benefited, the Treasury being near 1,000 in arrear, which is
    difficult to recover where money is so scarce.

    "I had information some days since of the capture of a valuable
    ship of 28 guns, belonging to the United Provinces, by one Peter
    Harris, a privateer ever since the taking of Panama. I at once
    dispatched the _Success_ to cruize for her, and my news is since
    confirmed by the arrival of 11 men in her longboat of the Dutch
    crew. This happened at the time of the Assembly's discontent and
    uneasiness. Not knowing that the frigates had my orders to sail
    in pursuit of privateers and particularly of Peter Harris (which
    the King's ships have ever had from me on all occasions), they
    angrily hastened to me by seven of their members (some of them
    but lately rebuked by me for cherishing and entertaining
    privateers), a petition wherein apart from their dissatisfaction
    at everything else, they press for the doing of that which, in
    spite of great difficulties I have ever striven to effect. Thus
    you will see my position towards this Island which entertains my
    services so ill."[444]

He then transmitted the address from the Assembly urging him, in view of
many depredations committed by pirates and privateers, to take some
speedy and effectual efforts for putting an end to them by the
employment of the two frigates of the Royal Navy and the two companies
of foot maintained by the King with that object.[445]

The _Hunter_ had long since returned from her fruitless mission to
Cartagena. "The Spanish governor was so jealous that he refused the
Captain or any of his company admittance within the gates, and received
them in a tent pitched for the purpose on the beach. He denied that he
had any English prisoners and gave assurance that just satisfaction
should be given on Senor Quintana's[446] return to Cartagena."[447]

But the _Success_ brought the redoubtable Sawkins with his ship into
Port Royal, where he was confined in the expectation of evidence being
found for his trial. Soon after, that ship chased the Dutch vessel taken
by Peter Harris into the interminable labyrinth of islets and shoals
forming the South Cays of Cuba, ever a favourite refuge for all
piratical craft, where she ran on a reef and became a total wreck.[448]

An effort was made to supply Anglican clergy for the parishes that had
none, and the expenses of their passage from England were paid by the
Treasury of Philip Bennett and Peter Langworth and of Lancelot
Blackburne, who in after life was promoted to be Archbishop of York, for
Antigua. All these gentlemen were decidedly easy-going and convivial in
their habits, and it is said that Blackburne acted for some time as the
chaplain of a privateer and shared in the prize-money.[449]

The Lords of Trade and the Privy Council had given remarkably prompt and
careful attention to Carlisle's complaints of the robbery and seizure of
English ships laden with cacao and logwood, and in particular the case
of Paul Abney, and orders were given to the Secretary of State and the
English Envoy at Madrid to "demand satisfaction for the beforementioned
injuries and sufferings of the English by the violence of the Spaniards
in the West Indies and particularly to expostulate with that Court for
the imprisonment of His Majesty's subjects and the seizure made by the
Spaniards of logwood, cacao, and other commodities found on board
English vessels, which hardships are not only contrary to the rules of
common friendship but to the express articles of the Treaty of Madrid
concluded with that Crown for composing differences and establishing a
Peace in America, which His Majesty has continually endeavoured to
cultivate by the most particular and pressing orders to his Governors,
commanding them punctually to observe all the Articles of the said
Treaty and take care that no occasion of offence or complaint might be
given to the Spaniards, which marks of reciprocal amity and kindness His
Majesty may justly expect from that Crown."[450]

But while ships under the English flag, if not with English
commissions, were pillaging the coasts and even sacking the towns of the
Spanish colonies, there was small prospect of such a remonstrance having
the least effect.

Early in the year Captain Francis Mingham, who had been trading in the
West Indies for some time, had his ship and cargo seized at Port Royal,
as Carlisle reported, for "his improvidence and reservations to elude
the officer of His Majesty's Customs", or in other words, for making a
fraudulent entry or false declaration. The charge against him was tried
in the Court of Admiralty, of which Sir Henry Morgan was President, and
his ship was condemned for sale. "Notwithstanding my kindness, whereby
she was prevented of being sold according to the condemnation," Carlisle
wrote soon after, "he is still dissatisfied and I believe will incense
his owners to attempt your ears to inform the King."[451]

His judgment in this case was in fact destined to involve Morgan in
serious trouble and expense. In October, 1679, Mingham presented a
petition to the Privy Council on behalf of himself and the owners of the
pink, _Francis_, complaining that "one Thomas Martin [the
Receiver-General for Jamaica] out of malice only to the Petitioner with
the Assistance of Sir Henry Morgan sole Judge of the Court of Admiralty"
at Port Royal had caused his ship and the goods on board to be arrested
and condemned, and praying to be reheard. The Council made an order for
a hearing on the 1st of May, 1680.[452] Mingham obtained a summons for
the attendance of Martin and Morgan on that day, with which he hurried
back to Jamaica, where he arrived about Christmas. After service Martin
and Morgan retaliated unwisely by bringing an action against Mingham for
libel, in which they had the governor's sympathy if not his approval.

    "In the main I am well satisfied", Carlisle wrote, "Mingham is a
    very ill man. He took upon him (though there was no mention of
    me either in the petition or the order) to serve me too, as he
    had served Sir Henry Morgan and Martin, as if I had been
    concerned in what he so falsely and maliciously charges them
    with. His ship was condemned in the Admiralty Court and sold but
    for 300, whereas the petition says 800, and that it was
    divided between them, whereas I do not believe that they ever
    turned a penny of it to their own use. Sir Henry as Judge of the
    Admiralty Court has not yet even received his fees, and Mr.
    Martin has given his share for the encouragement of trade for
    the building of an Exchange at Port Royal. They are now engaged
    with Mingham in a trial before the Grand Court. . . .

    "P.S. Since writing the above Mingham's attorney asked me to
    dissuade Sir Henry Morgan from prosecuting his action, promising
    a written acknowledgement from Mingham that his petition was
    false and scandalous. Sir Henry Morgan, however, resolved to put
    it on the country, and the jury has given him 2,000 damages.
    Thereby your Lordships may see how easy it is at this distance
    to be reproachfully and scandalously traduced to you, till we
    are made happy in an opportunity of vindication."

Morgan then sent to the Lords of Trade an exemplification of the
proceedings in the trial which had resulted in the condemnation of
Mingham's ship, with the depositions and other papers to prove that his
petition to the Privy Council was "false and scandalous". That petition
had alleged that the _Francis_ had been condemned for the concealment of
two casks of brandy, whereas in fact there had been found two butts of
brandy and twenty casks of black cherry brandy, "which were plainly kept
on board to defraud the customs."[453]

    "It is plain," Morgan continued, "that Mingham makes no
    conscience of swearing falsely, for he exhibited a bill in the
    High Court of Justice denying on oath that he had ever delivered
    the petition or served me with a copy of your Lordships' order,
    and a little later another confessing it. There was no malice on
    my part or Mr. Martin's in the trial before the Admiralty Court
    as Mingham falsely asserts, nor did covetousness enter into the
    matter. The office of Judge Admiral was not given to me for my
    understanding of the business better than others, nor for the
    profitableness thereof, for I left the schools too young to be a
    great proficient in that or other laws, and have been more used
    to the pike than the book; and as for profit there is no porter
    in this town but can get more money in the time than I got by
    this trial. But I was truly put in to maintain the honour of the
    Court for His Majesty's service, without which the Acts of
    Navigation cannot be enforced, for it is hard to find unbiassed
    juries in the Plantations for such cases. For instance, a ship
    came here with several cases of Irish soap and was seized by His
    Majesty's Receiver. The case was tried in the Court of Common
    Pleas, and the jury found for the defendant with costs. One
    witness swore that soap was victuals, and that one might live
    upon it for a month, which the jury readily believed and found
    the aforesaid verdict. I beg your Lordships to believe that if I
    have erred at all in this matter it has been in judgment only.
    May God love me no longer than I love justice."[454]

Mingham failed to pay the judgment awarded against him and was committed
to prison in default. On June 10th, 1680, a petition from his wife,
Dorothy Mingham, was read at the Privy Council complaining of the
"Oppressions and Imprisonment her husband suffers by reason of the undue
proceedings against him by Sir Henry Morgan, knt., Deputy Governor of
Jamaica and Judge of Admiralty there, and Thomas Martin, Gentleman
Customer at Port Royall, for petitioning this Boord to be heard against
a Sentence of Condemnation of the Pink ffrancis of Londone whereof the
Petitioner was Master, which was exhibited in the Petitioners name in
his absence by the Owners of the said Pink", and praying that he might
be set at liberty to come over and make good his allegations. On July 21
an order was made for Captain Mingham's release on security being given
for the payment of the full amount of damages.[455]

The vital importance of adopting drastic measures for the suppression of
piracy and due protection of commerce was seriously considered by the
Council of Jamaica, and a report for the information of the Lords of
Trade and the Privy Council in England was drafted and signed in the
presence of the governor by Sir Henry Morgan and eight other members,
among them being his relatives, Archbold and Byndloss, and his
particular friend, Colonel Thomas Ballard.

    "As to our trade," this report stated, "nothing can further it
    more than a firm and uninterrupted preservation of peace made
    with the Spaniard in these parts. Though instructed by the King
    to this end, the Governor can do little from want of ships to
    reduce the privateers and of plain laws to punish them. Could
    this peace but be well kept, a good and neighbourly
    correspondence would follow, and a private trade connived at by
    the Spanish Governors and officers both on the Main and in the
    Islands adjacent, to the great expanse of our English
    manufactures and the general benefit of the nation, as well as
    of this Island and the shipping trade unto it. For the vast
    duties paid in Spain on our English goods and the great advance
    made upon them by the Spaniards (with all the charges of
    transporting them here to the West Indies), will by this more
    direct conveyance come to be divided between His Majesty's
    subjects and be an inducement to afford them here to the
    Spaniards on much easier terms than can be brought from Spain,
    and an encouragement to the Spaniards not only to admit us to a
    private trade with their outports and creeks, but also to come
    to us and bring us money and goods to purchase our English
    commodities. We cannot give better proof of this than the trade
    that at present is, and of late hath been driven with them by
    divers people from hence, notwithstanding the detestable
    depredations of some of our nation, (who pass for inhabitants of
    Jamaica), under colour of French commissions. How much greater
    would their confidence be in us could these ravenous vermin be
    destroyed. His Majesty to this end keeps a fourth-rate frigate
    or two constantly about this island, but with no better success
    than to drive the privateers into distant and secure creeks and
    holes to commit their robberies on canoes, sloops, and barks
    where no fourth-rate can follow them, as they have done in the
    bays of Nova Hispania and Honduras and in the gulf of Matica.
    Despairing of any countenance and protection here, the
    privateers resort for protection to the French thereby
    strengthening them and weakening us, and they never want for
    specious pretexts for irreconcilable hostility to the Spaniards
    in the horrid butcheries of their fellow subjects, who have
    unhappily fallen into their power. The number of the privateers
    is also increased thereby, for any sailors that escape these
    cruelties forget their duty to God and man, and give themselves
    wholly up to implacable revenge, having no hope of redress here
    or in Europe.

    "For the preservation of peace, therefore, it is absolutely
    necessary that the Spanish Governors and officers in the West
    Indies do their duty, for all the acts of our privateers are
    disowned by us and every endeavour made to bring the offenders
    to justice, whereas the acts of the Spaniards are encouraged and
    owned by authority. We humbly suggest as the surest way of
    putting down these incorrigible robbers, the ratification of an
    act, formerly transmitted by us, declaring it felony without
    benefit of clergy for any of the King's subjects in the West
    Indies to serve any foreign prince against any other foreign
    prince at amity with England without a license from the
    Governor. And for the better enforcement of this Act we suggest
    the appointment of a couple of sixth-rate frigates or
    yatches[456] which can follow them into shoal water, with a
    fifth-rate frigate to support them, with orders to demand and
    take from them all English subjects in their service. They are
    now grown to such a height of strength that a smaller force will
    not suffice for the first year. They have one ship of 28 guns,
    one of 26, one of 12, one of 8 (besides sloops and barks), all
    extraordinarily well manned, and much better armed than any of
    our European shipping. The biggest of them was the prize taken
    by one Peter Harris from the Dutch, in chase of which H.M.S.
    _Success_ was unfortunately lost."[457]

This highly important paper, which must have been largely based on
information supplied by Morgan as Vice-Admiral, was prepared only a few
days before Carlisle's sudden departure for England, and taken with him.
It was considered by the Lords of Trade on September 16, when several
memorials from the Spanish ambassador, complaining of piracies alleged
to have been committed by inhabitants of Jamaica upon Spanish ships,
were also read and referred to Carlisle for a report. At the same time
the Lords declared their opinion that it was expedient to revive the law
making it a felony without benefit of clergy to serve any foreign
prince, and resolved to confer with the Earl of Carlisle upon a proposal
to send four small frigates to Jamaica for the suppression of piracy and
the protection of commerce.[458]

In reply to the complaints of the Spanish ambassador Carlisle retorted
warmly.

    "While Don Antonio continues to deal so roughly with these
    English as to make prize of their ships and goods and make
    prisoners of their men, no good understanding is possible
    between the two nations.

    "The depredations and injuries of the privateers are committed
    by a sort of men without reach of Government; but the injuries
    that we suffer from them are from men in office and public
    employ. It is true at my first arrival in Jamaica, I invited the
    privateers in, but it was out of kindness to the Spaniard, to
    endeavour to reclaim them from evil courses. Finding them
    persevere I presently sent out the frigates whenever I heard of
    them about Jamaica, and I do believe I have taken while there
    more of their vessels than Don Antonio in the whole time of his
    being Admiral, though I could not proceed to the punishment of
    any particular person, having no complaint of the Spaniards
    against them."[459]

Carlisle had become quite disheartened by ill success in his efforts
alternately to cajole and to coerce the Assembly to accept the
unpalatable form of government he had been instructed to put in effect,
although he seems to have retained his personal popularity, and had the
unwavering support of his Deputy Governor and a majority of the Council.
After receiving the address of the Assembly positively refusing to pass
any of the bills offered for their consent, the governor commanded all
the members to appear before him, and then produced a form of oath,
which he required them to take as a test of their loyalty by accepting
the "new frame of government". Colonel Beeston, the Speaker, and all the
members except five refused to comply, when he dissolved the House at
once and announced that he would not call another but would carry on the
government with the advice of the Council as directed in his latest
instructions.[460] Six of the recalcitrant members, of whom Beeston and
Jonathan Ashurst, one of the representatives of Clarendon, were the
principal, were named by him to accompany the deposed chief justice to
defend their position before the Privy Council. Shortly afterwards he
abruptly decided to turn over the administration of the government to
Sir Henry Morgan and return to England to justify his own conduct and
press charges of misconduct against Colonel Samuel Long.[461]

Before sailing a "brief account of the Government of Jamaica" was
compiled by his direction, from which it appeared that in addition to
his other appointments as Deputy Governor, Lieutenant-General, and
Vice-Admiral, Sir Henry Morgan was a Justice of the Peace and Custos
Rotulorum for the third precinct of the island, being the town and
parish of Port Royal, containing a population of 1,671 white people and
670 blacks.[462] The secretary reported that no returns of births or
deaths had been received from any Custos except Morgan and Colonel John
Cope. The muster rolls of the militia showed that Morgan was Colonel
Commandant of the Port Royal Regiment of Foot, being the largest of any,
numbering 1,183 of all ranks, "of which there are about a third part
belonging to sloops and barks trading about the island, and therefore
inconstant in their appearances."[463]

[Footnote 392: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1177, _Acts of the Privy Council_, 16th November, 1677.]

[Footnote 393: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1181, 5th December, 1677.]

[Footnote 394: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1203, 22nd February, 1678. These acts were incorporated in the Jamaican
act of 1683 for the restraining and punishing privateers and pirates.]

[Footnote 395: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1208, 13th March, 1678.]

[Footnote 396: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
460, Instructions to the Earl of Carlisle, 30th March, 1678; _ibid._,
No. 692, The King to Lord Vaughan, 27th April, 1678.]

[Footnote 397: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
645, Minutes of Council of War, 5th April, 1678.]

[Footnote 398: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
692, Minutes of Council of Jamaica, 25th April, 1678; No. 717, Minutes
of Council, 31st May, 1678; Beeston's _Journal, passim._]

[Footnote 399: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
718, Relation of Thomas Wigfall, 1st June, 1678.]

[Footnote 400: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
725, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, Port Royal, 7th June, 1678.]

[Footnote 401: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
770, Carlisle to Coventry, 31st July, 1678; _ibid._, Carlisle to
Williamson, 31st July, 1678.]

[Footnote 402: _Laws of Jamaica_, MDCCCII, Vol. I, pp. 38-9, Carlisle to
Coventry.]

[Footnote 403: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
775, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 8th August, 1678; _ibid._, No.
779, Carlisle to Coventry.]

[Footnote 404: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
794, Carlisle to Coventry, 11th September, 1678; _Laws of Jamaica_,
MDCCCII, Vol. I, p. 40.]

[Footnote 405: Cundall, _Historic Jamaica_, p. 15.]

[Footnote 406: Beeston, _Journal_; Gardner, _History of Jamaica_, pp.
63-4.]

[Footnote 407: _Laws of Jamaica_, MDCCCII, Vol. I, pp. 38-9.]

[Footnote 408: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
815, Carlisle to Coventry, 24th October, 1678.]

[Footnote 409: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
816, Carlisle to Williamson, 24th October, 1678.]

[Footnote 410: _Laws of Jamaica_, MDCCCII, Vol. I, p. 42, Carlisle to
the Lords of Trade, 15th November, 1678.]

[Footnote 411: _Laws of Jamaica_, MDCCCII., Vol. I, pp. 43-4, Carlisle
to Coventry, undated.]

[Footnote 412: Beeston, _Journal_; Dampier, _Voyage to the Bay of
Campeachy_, edition of 1729, p. 46.]

[Footnote 413: Dampier, _Voyage to the Bay of Campeachy_, edition of
1729, pp. 43-4.]

[Footnote 414: Dampier, _Voyage to the Bay of Campeachy_, p. 18.]

[Footnote 415: Dampier, _Voyage to the Bay of Campeachy_, p. 56.]

[Footnote 416: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
869, Carlisle to Coventry, 26th January, 1679.]

[Footnote 417: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1252, _Acts of the Privy Council_, 19th March, 1679.]

[Footnote 418: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1002, Lords of Trade to the King, 22nd May, 1679.]

[Footnote 419: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1274, _Acts of the Privy Council_, 28th May, 1679.]

[Footnote 420: _Laws of Jamaica_, Vol. I, p. 51, The Committee to
Carlisle, undated.]

[Footnote 421: _Laws of Jamaica_, Order in Council, 4th April, 1679,
Vol. I, p. 46.]

[Footnote 422: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1038, Order in Council.]

[Footnote 423: G. L. Beer, _Old Colonial System_, Vol. I, p. 129, note
2.]

[Footnote 424: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 945, Account of
passengers, servants, and slaves brought to Jamaica, with account of
goods exported from 25th June, 1671, to 25th March, 1679.]

[Footnote 425: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1059, Carlisle to Coventry, 10th July, 1679.]

[Footnote 426: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1094, Carlisle to Coventry, 13th August, 1679.]

[Footnote 427: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1097, Journal of the Assembly of Jamaica, 21st August, 1679.]

[Footnote 428: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1099, Journal of the Assembly of Jamaica, 22nd August, 1679.]

[Footnote 429: A shallow ditch.]

[Footnote 430: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1101, Report of a Committee of the Council and Assembly for the defence
of Jamaica, 23rd August, 1679.]

[Footnote 431: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1105, Address of the General Assembly to Lord Carlisle, 28th August,
1679.]

[Footnote 432: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1107, Carlisle to Coventry, 30th August, 1679; _Laws of Jamaica_, Vol.
I, p. 52.]

[Footnote 433: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1117, Carlisle to Lords of Trade, 15th September, 1679.]

[Footnote 434: "Barlovento" is the Spanish term for "weather-gauge".
This was a small squadron annually sent out to cruise to windward in
search of pirates and smugglers.]

[Footnote 435: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1118, Carlisle to Coventry, 15th September, 1679.]

[Footnote 436: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1122, Carlisle to Coventry, 17th September, 1679.]

[Footnote 437: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1129, Carlisle to Coventry, 24th September, 1679.]

[Footnote 438: Roby, _Church Notes and Monumental Inscriptions of
Jamaica_, p. 15.]

[Footnote 439: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1189, Carlisle to Coventry, 23rd November, 1679; _Laws of Jamaica_, I,
pp. 53-4.]

[Footnote 440: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1188, Carlisle to Lords of Trade, 23rd November, 1679.]

[Footnote 441: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1150, Letter of intelligence, Jamaica, 18th October, 1679.]

[Footnote 442: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1150, Letter of intelligence, Jamaica, 18th October, 1679.]

[Footnote 443: Probably Samuel Jenks, who was a member of the House of
Assembly for the parish of St. James in 1675, 1677, 1678, and 1682.]

[Footnote 444: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1188, Carlisle to Lords of Trade, 23rd November, 1679.]

[Footnote 445: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1188, iii.]

[Footnote 446: The Spanish Vice-Admiral accused of robbing and insulting
Paul Abney.]

[Footnote 447: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1189, Carlisle to Coventry, 23rd November, 1679; _Ibid._, 1190, Carlisle
to Coventry, 1st December, 1679.]

[Footnote 448: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1190, Carlisle to Coventry, 1st December, 1679.]

[Footnote 449: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1263, _Acts of Privy Council_, 4th May, 1679; _Dictionary of National
Biography_, article on Blackburne.]

[Footnote 450: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1241, Report of Lords of Trade, 22nd December, 1679; No. 1328, _Acts of
the Privy Council_, Order in Council, 28th January, 1680.]

[Footnote 451: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
943, Carlisle to Coventry, 26th March, 1679.]

[Footnote 452: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1308, _Acts of the Privy Council_, 10th October, 1679.]

[Footnote 453: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1302, Carlisle to Lords of Trade, 23rd February, 1680.]

[Footnote 454: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1304, Sir Henry Morgan to Lords of Trade, Port Royal, 24th February,
1680.]

[Footnote 455: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, Acts
of the Privy Council_, Vol. II, 30th June and 21st July, 1680.]

[Footnote 456: Under date of October 1st, 1661, Evelyn noted in his
diary: "I sailed this morning with his majesty in one of his _yatchts_
(or pleasure-boats), vessels not known among us till the Dutch East
India Company presented that curious piece to the king being very
excellent sailing vessels."]

[Footnote 457: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1361, The Council of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade, Port Royal, 20th
May, 1680.]

[Footnote 458: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1513, Journal of the Lords of Trade, 18th September, 1680.]

[Footnote 459: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1516, Carlisle to Lords of Trade, 21st September, 1680.]

[Footnote 460: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, I,
p. 118.]

[Footnote 461: Twenty years later Beeston asserted that the Assembly
were "stirred up to believe that what the House of Commons could do in
England they could do here, and that during their sitting, all power and
authority was only in their hands." _Calendar of State Papers, America
and West Indies_, 1700, p. 424.]

[Footnote 462: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1371, May, 1680.]

[Footnote 463: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1370, i, and ii. The Secretary of Jamaica to Lords of Trade, 26th May,
1680.]




  CHAPTER X

  GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF


Carlisle's relations with Morgan were constantly cordial and harmonious,
and he displayed no hesitation in turning over the administration of the
government to him in spite of his notoriously roistering and convivial
excesses. The governor seems to have left the island about the end of
May or early in June, 1680. The Council was soon after convened to
consider the most recent instructions from the Lords of Trade.

    "Everything was done for the prompt execution of your Lordships'
    orders and the several warrants sent out for the apprehension of
    privateers and their accomplices", Morgan reported in his first
    letter. "I beg your Lordships' consideration of this latter
    business which greatly concerns the trade and prosperity of the
    island. We have promise of a good season which has been rare of
    late years. Lord Carlisle will doubtless have given you full
    information as to the state of the Government."[464]

On the same day he wrote at much greater length to Lord Sunderland, the
newly appointed Secretary of State.

    "Presently after Lord Carlisle's departure there anchored just
    outside the range of our guns a French privateer (as we have
    reason to conjecture) which, under pretence of a French
    commission, and of being manned with French subjects, sent a
    boat into the harbour to ask leave to take wood and water. I
    readily consented, provided that, like other friends, she came
    into the harbour. As she refused to do this and remained still
    at anchor, I sent off to order her to depart, which she
    accordingly did; but having notice that she had entertained many
    runaways and debtors off this Island, contrary to law, I at once
    dispatched orders to all points along the shore where I thought
    she might touch, to demand delivery of all English subjects;
    but she escaped me. At Yallagh's Bay, some ten miles to windward
    of this port, she had sent a boat ashore with twenty-four armed
    men before my orders arrived. Their jealousy is a sufficient
    argument of their being offenders. Their coming armed on shore
    is not to be suffered, and I intend to complain thereof at the
    first opportunity to the French governor of Hispaniola, whence
    the French privateers generally get their commissions. We are
    not less troubled with privateers belonging to this Island.
    Strict orders for their arrest were issued by Lord Carlisle
    before his departure and by myself since, and some of their men
    having been taken, who are now in prison awaiting trial, the
    rest are alarmed, and not daring to enter any of our ports keep
    on the wing until they can find some place to settle on. I much
    fear this may occasion the loss of many men to this Island, but
    it can only be prevented by the continual attendance of some
    nimble small frigates in coasting round the Island and
    surprising the privateers. Their numbers are increased by the
    necessitous and unfortunate, and they are encouraged by the
    security of the Spaniards and their pusillanimity under all
    their plenty. Nothing can be more fatal to the prosperity of
    this Colony than the temptingly alluring boldness of the
    privateers which draws off white servants and all men of
    unfortunate or desperate condition. I spare no care to put down
    this growing evil, having lately granted a special commission
    for the trial of several runaway whites who fired in a body at a
    party sent to apprehend them. These privateers discourage the
    Spaniards from private trade with us, which would otherwise be
    considerable. This Colony in a short time would gratefully
    answer the expense the King would be at in countenancing
    it."[465]

Three weeks later he continued his narrative in a second letter to
Sunderland.

    "Nothing has happened since", he wrote, "beyond the arrival in
    this harbour of a good English merchantman, which has been for
    five months past among the Spaniards on the Main. She reports a
    friendly reception of herself, but great desolation of the
    maritime towns through the frequent sacking of the privateers.
    This cannot be prevented but by the present force of some small
    nimble frigates, which not being here, the privateers are so
    bold as to keep daily coasting about this Island, tempting all
    bad servants, debtors, and dissolute persons to join them, which
    adds to their strength beyond our power of prevention without
    such a force as I have mentioned. Sloops returned from coasting
    on Hispaniola report the arrival of the French fleet, some say
    fourteen, some ten sail. We have no certain account of their
    errand, which we partly conjecture, and we shall be in readiness
    to receive them in this part, though as yet we do not believe
    them to have any such purpose for the present. Undoubtedly,
    however, they will call for wood and water, and then they will
    see how our defences have improved.

    "Mr. Secretary Coventry promised Lord Carlisle copies of the
    several treaties by which this Government is concerned with
    France, Spain, and Holland, but they have never been received. I
    beg that they may be transmitted that I may be able the better
    to guide myself on various occasions."[466]

The order of the Privy Council for the release of Francis Mingham was
read at a meeting of the Council of Jamaica held on November 5. He had
then been in prison for little more than a year. Mingham was brought in
and formally discharged. An inquiry was then made into the circumstances
of his arrest. Francis Hanson, his lawyer, deposed that a statement in
Mingham's printed petition alleging that a writ of error had been denied
him was false, as no such writ had ever been applied for. Major Yeoman,
the provost marshal, swore that Mingham had been arrested in the usual
course on a writ after judgment and that he had received no orders from
Sir Henry Morgan for his arrest and confinement. The gaol, he stated,
was too insecure to allow Mingham the chance of escaping in his own
pink. His clerk said that Mingham had not been charged with Morgan's
execution until many days had elapsed after the fourteen stated in
Mingham's petition. The gaoler swore that he had received no orders from
Morgan respecting Mingham's confinement, and his evidence was
corroborated by another official. Mingham, himself, admitted that he had
been treated kindly while in prison. After these witnesses and others
"too tedious for mention", had been heard the Council recorded their
opinion that Mingham's troubles in Jamaica were "due more to his own
imprudence and a malicious desire for revenge than to any purpose of Sir
Henry Morgan."[467]

Morgan transmitted a certified copy of the Minutes of the Council to the
Lords of Trade, accompanied by a letter which he believed ought to clear
him of all blame.

    "I have discharged Francis Mingham from Prison in obedience to
    your Lordships' letter of 25 July last," he said, "though I am
    persuaded I could have given good reasons for keeping him there.
    However, my duty pleased me more than my advantage in the 2,000
    execution, and I am grateful to you in taking security for his
    answering the same in England. I now beg leave to present your
    Lordships with a true state of the case that you may see how
    your great goodness hath been abused both by his original
    petition and his printed case; nor do I doubt that you will
    better understand when you have read the case, how scandalously
    both I and the government have been slandered, and how much both
    must suffer unless your Lordships' deep foresight and wisdom
    obviate a growing evil."[468]

The _Norwich_, a fifth-rate frigate, had by that time arrived from
England to replace the _Success_, and Morgan resumed his correspondence
with Lord Sunderland.

    "I have omitted no opportunity of writing since Lord Carlisle's
    departure, though so far I have received no reply from your
    Lordship. Captain Heywood of H.M.S. _Norwich_, arrived here the
    2d inst., whereby I am in some difficulty how to behave myself
    towards the French and Spaniards, for I have no copies of the
    late treaties. Twelve days since arrived Mr. John Crocker,
    merchant, from Spain, with a license from the King of Spain to
    trade with the English, French, and Dutch in America for
    negroes, and it is confidently reported that we shall shortly
    have free trade with Spain upon articles in the late treaty.
    This will speedily make this Island very considerable, for all
    the current cash that we now have is brought here by private
    trade with them. There lately arrived here a ketch empty, with
    only two men on board. Their statement on oath is that they were
    bound from New England to Guinea, where they loaded with
    negroes, elephants' teeth and dust gold, and sailed for Nevis.
    On their way they called at an island called St. Martin's, under
    the French Government, to wood and water, and were first invited
    into the harbour with much friendship, but afterwards suddenly
    seized and the ship unloaded. The master and his mates stayed
    there to obtain redress, but consented that these two men should
    adventure by stealth to this island, and, when I have
    ascertained the whole story of the master, I shall transmit it
    to your Lordship. All is quiet here; grateful seasons of rain
    promise very bountiful crops."[469]

But relations with the Spaniards were still on the whole far from
satisfactory. On the last day of the year but one the governor and
council heard the complaint and took the deposition of Robert Oxo,
master of the ship _Laurel_ of London, who gave a distressing account of
wrongful treatment and hardship. He stated that he had been forced to go
to the Cays of Yucatan in search of fresh water, and, while anchored
there, his ship had been surprised at night and taken by the Spaniards
on May 6, when most of his men were on shore. They had killed two of his
crew and handled him very roughly, "hanging him up at the fore-braces
several times, beating him with their cutlasses, and striking him in the
face in an inhuman, cruel manner." After taking possession of his vessel
with its cargo, valued at 5,000, they set him and eight men adrift in a
canoe with only two days' provisions. They succeeded in reaching the
"Cays of Turrinife",[470] where they lived on shell-fish for fifteen
days before relief came. The Spanish captain had treated Lord Carlisle's
pass with contempt, throwing it away, and boasting that Oxo's ship was
the twenty-second English prize that he had taken that year, that he had
sent five hundred prisoners to "Laverrocruise", and "would come to
Jamaica, too, presently."[471]

Another body of Spaniards, "encouraged", as Dampier said, "by their
careless Rioting," had surprised the logwood cutters in the lagoon of
Trist, "took most of them singly at their Huts; and carried them away
Prisoners to Campeachy or La Vera Cruz; whence they were sent to Mexico,
and sold to several Tradesmen in that City; and from thence, after two
or three Years, when they could speak Spanish, many of them made their
Escapes, and marched in by-Paths back to La Vera Cruz, and by the Flota
[were] conveyed to Spain, and so sent to England."[472]

Yet their misfortunes, which at the time could only be surmised, did not
deter other Englishmen from taking their place and resuming the perilous
occupation of cutting and shipping logwood at that place with greater
activity and success than ever before.[473]

Another body of 331 lawless privateers, led by Bartholemew Sharp,
Richard Sawkins, Peter Harris, John Coxon, and Edward Cook, all captains
of some celebrity, who had served in Morgan's expeditions, finding that
Jamaica was no longer a safe resort, under the resolute administration
of their former leader, abandoned their ships at Isla del Oro in the
gulf of Darien on April 5th, 1681, marched across the Isthmus, and ten
days later sacked the town of Santa Maria, advancing then against
Panama.[474]

For the history of Jamaica at this time, Morgan's careful official
letters, which have survived, form nearly the only contemporary
documentary source of information. They are remarkably full, and no
subject or event of much public importance escaped his attention.

    "Since the beginning of November last," he wrote from Port Royal
    on the 27th of January, 1681, "there hath rid at anchor in this
    harbour one Captain John Crocker, commander of a small Spanish
    ship of ten guns and eight patereras and a hundred men licensed
    by the Company of Seville to trade in the American seas for ten
    years. It now waits for the Royal African Company's ships with
    negroes, intending to sail next week to Carthagena. One ship has
    arrived and another is looked for every hour, having only
    touched at Barbados for refreshments. There is no question that
    Jamaica will gain much by this trade with the Spaniard, wherein
    the Government does not fail to give encouragement. About 20th
    December last arrived here four small frigates, between sixteen
    and thirty guns, under the command of four Flushingers, Captain
    Cornelius Beers, Admiral, belonging to the Duke of Brandenburg,
    having letters of reprisal against the Spaniard. They desired
    leave to come into the harbour and refit, bringing with them two
    prizes, one laden with Spanish wines from the Canaries, another
    with tallow, and a small galliot hoy with salt and brandy. They
    urged the Duke's alliance with England for permission to sell
    their prizes, that by the produce thereof they might purchase
    all the necessary refreshments for their present expedition. On
    this I directed the Secretary of the Island and the Naval
    Officer to examine every ship's proportion of the several kinds
    of stores that they wanted, upon which they reported to me their
    several demands, amounting to near 800. I thereupon gave them
    leave to sell their prizes, which they did, and have ordered the
    prize ship to sail for Europe in a few days with some English
    ships from this port. The four frigates sailed hence on Saturday
    last in company bound eastward, to cruise and search the coast
    of Hispaniola first and then the Main. While they were here they
    were not more pleased with their opportunity of refreshment than
    the Spaniard was pained by the apprehension that they would
    intercept him. They would certainly have done so (the temptation
    being so high) had I not very pressingly interposed for his
    protection, which they as graciously granted, to the great
    satisfaction of the Spaniard. He will leave this in a few days
    for Carthagena. The Brandenburgers assured me that the King of
    Denmark would very speedily send a larger force on the same
    errand as themselves, to gain that satisfaction from the
    Spaniards which is denied in Europe. For want of copies of the
    several treaties with the respective allies of England, I am at
    a loss how to guide my conduct. I now act by the advice of the
    Council, as our prudence and discretion may best direct us, but
    I beg for instructions on this point by the earliest
    opportunity, for I know not how soon I may need to use them.
    Upon the whole matter the Spanish interest is strangely shocked
    all round us, and nothing can preserve it from being lost unless
    they gain the protection of England, which hath its great
    advantage from the natural situation of this Island in the very
    centre of the American seas, with a commodious harbour and such
    large and plentiful collections of stores as are found in no
    other part of the West Indies. I humbly submit this to your
    Lordships' pleasure to be debated with the Earl of Carlisle, who
    has full knowledge of the matter, so important to this
    Government. Meanwhile the Spaniards continue their wonted
    unkindness to the English in these seas, taking generally all
    our ships that they can master at sea or circumvent in harbour,
    refusing any reparation of any kind to us, who deny none to them
    whenever they address this Government; which is much
    countenanced from a graceful digestion of a full auditorie in a
    new church which we entered into on last New Year's day, to the
    great satisfaction of the inhabitants as well as strangers.

    "Unless I receive the King's orders speedily to call an Assembly
    the Government will be cramped for revenue which expires at the
    end of March next. Your Lordships' care and kindness will be
    necessary to prevent this. We have had no certain intelligence
    of the French fleet these three months, so that we know not
    where they are at present. I keep the regiment at Port Royal
    duly exercised, four companies always upon the guard, and our
    lookouts to windward so that we are not likely to be surprised.
    Captain Heywood, Commander of H.M.S. _Norwich_, in November
    seized an interloper, which since hath been condemned in the
    Court of Admiralty. Being at the caption sole judge of the Court
    of Admiralty myself, I thought fit to resign my power and
    appoint John White, Esq., to succeed me therein, who formerly
    held that station in Sir Thomas Lynch's time. But
    notwithstanding all our vigilance, some interlopers do escape,
    and landing negroes, distribute them in the plantations near
    adjacent and so avoid seizure. One Captain Daniel did this last
    week, and left only a bare ship to be seized by the Naval
    Officer, which was done accordingly by virtue of the Act of
    Navigation.

    "I received by Captain Bennett your Lordships' commands in your
    circular letter with the inquiries. I have issued orders to Mr.
    Thomas Martin, His Majesty's Receiver General, for an account of
    the revenue, and His Majesty's Surveyor General for an account
    of the Island, against the sailing of the next ships. The rolls
    of the King's two standing companies are returned by the present
    ship. I hope to send by the ships sailing about three months
    hence such a scenographie of the Point as shall be of such
    satisfaction to His Majesty and your Lordships as never yet was
    presented from these parts, which since his Excellency's
    departure hath been the curious endeavour of His Majesty's
    Surveyor General and his deputies.

    "In St. Thomas there is a church and minister; in St. David's
    the like; both at Port Royal and so in St. Andrew's; a church
    and minister in St. Katharine's; the like in St. John's; a
    church building in St. Dorothy's but yet no minister; a minister
    in Clarendon and the church building; in St. Elizabeth's a
    minister but no church; for all the parishes on the north side
    neither church nor minister. The settlements there are not much
    above five years' standing, but they improve much and will
    provide for their religion as soon as their condition will stand
    the charge. The burials and christenings are difficult to return
    where there is no registry. Being at a distance the people bury
    in their own plantations and forbear christening some years till
    the accidental arrival of a minister. It is no ordinary trouble
    to me that your Lordships should expect from me more than is in
    my power, who to my power shall always be obedient to your
    Lordships."[475]

As recorded in the foregoing letter, divine service was held for the
first time in the new church at Port Royal in the presence of "a full
auditorie", by the Reverend Peter Langworth on the first day of January,
1681. He took as a text for his sermon, Acts of the Apostles, vii, 33:
"Put off thy shoes from thy feet, for the place where thou standest is
holy ground." This discourse was afterwards "published at the request of
Sir Henry Morgan and other gentlemen, by whose liberal contributions the
said church was erected."[476]

The monopoly of the Royal African Company had again to contend with the
competition of many "interlopers", or unlicensed traders on "the middle
passage" from Africa to the West Indies, whose enterprise was abetted
and, perhaps, sometimes financed by the planters of Jamaica and other
English colonies, who wished to obtain slaves at a cheaper rate than was
offered by the Company. A writer, who was unquestionably friendly to
Morgan said: "As Sir Henry was convinced of the imprudence as well as
the injustice of the exclusive privileges that had been granted to the
African Company, and, being himself a planter, had felt the tyrannical
use that had been made of it, probably connived a little at the
interloping trade to the coast of Africa."[477] This conjecture is not
supported by any contemporary evidence. His anxiety for explicit
instructions was once more expressed in his next letter to the taciturn
Secretary of State.

    "Having not had the honour or happiness to receive any commands
    from your Lordship since the departure of Lord Carlisle," he
    wrote, "I enclose a copy of my letter to the Lords of Trade and
    Plantations, and earnestly beg you to send me a copy of the
    treaties therein mentioned for my guidance. Lord Carlisle will
    make clear to you the interest of England in countenancing this
    Government, which has outdone all other colonies in progress and
    powers of defence and offence. Your Lordship's intelligence of
    the European purposes and interests upon these parts would be a
    favour of great value to me."[478]

His hospitality to the ships of the Duke of Brandenburg, cruising under
letters-of-marque against Spanish commerce, must have provoked some
remonstrance from the Spanish government, as some months later he made a
written justification of his conduct.

    "The Duke of Brandenburg," he said, "on denial of justice to him
    by the Spaniards, granted letters of reprisal against the
    Catholic King. Frigates for reprisals accordingly sailed to the
    West Indies and were driven by necessity into Port Royal. When
    they put in I examined my instructions and finding nothing to
    the contrary, admitted them to the benefit of the Port. I cannot
    see that therefore I have given any cause of displeasure to the
    King of Spain, for (1) I should have given the same hospitality
    to Spanish ships; (2) if I had refused the port to ships of
    either nation and these ships had perished, this would have
    amounted to a breach of amity; (3) though the Brandenburg ships
    brought their prizes to Jamaica and sold them there, yet the
    Governor could not have prevented it."[479]

Instructions to Morgan were finally approved in December, 1680,
authorizing him to call another Assembly and submit for its assent
several bills that had been drafted for its ratification, but did not
reach him until the end of January, 1681.[480] Their receipt was
acknowledged by him on February 1.

    "Since writing mine of the 27th January," he said, "a ship has
    arrived with your Lordship's letter, the King's Commission and
    instructions, and three treaties for my guidance. I have
    summoned a Council for Thursday next, and issued writs for an
    Assembly to meet on the 18th March next. On Saturday night I had
    notice of one Captain James Everson, [Evertsen] commander of a
    sloop, a notorious privateer, being at anchor with a brigantine
    which he had lately taken. I presently secured all the wherries
    on the Point and manned a sloop with twenty-four soldiers and
    thirty-six sailors, which at midnight sailed from hence, and
    about noon came up with him in Bull Bay. Then letting the King's
    jack fly, they boarded him; they received three musket shot,
    slightly wounding one man, and returned a volley, killing some
    and wounding others of the privateers. Everson and several
    others jumped overboard and were shot in the sea near the shore.
    They then brought her away with twenty-six stout men, whom they
    brought last night into this harbour. These are now prisoners on
    board H.M.S. _Norwich_ to await trial for their lives. I have
    issued warrants for those that escaped of whom I doubt not to
    give a good account. Such is the encouragement which privateers
    receive from my favour or the countenance of Government,
    whatever the reflections of the Spanish Ambassador. I present
    this complaint to your Lordship against the unchristianlike
    conduct and unneighbourliness of the Spaniard, who take all our
    ships at sea or in port. They have this year captured twenty-two
    sail and absolutely ruined our Bay trade. Though not ordinarily
    prejudicial to this Colony, this is most detrimental to the
    King's customs, as you will perceive from depositions which I
    have forwarded to Lord Carlisle. I could multiply them if I
    chose to countenance addresses against the Spaniards'
    inhumanity. We treat them on all occasions with all imaginable
    respect and kindness, and in return receive only ingratitude;
    they have many English prisoners, we not one Spanish, and why
    should they have credit at Whitehall and we want it I leave to
    your Lordship.

    "P.S. Upon search we could find nothing like a commission. All
    Everson's men were English, to the number of seventy, except six
    Spaniards. I shall send these last next week to
    Carthagena."[481]

Evertsen, himself, was almost certainly a native of Holland and had
never resided in Jamaica. On the same day Morgan made a report to the
Lords of Trade.

    "I have received the King's instructions and three treaties with
    France, Spain, and the Netherlands, but want your instructions
    as to our other allies. I have been so fortunate as to capture a
    notorious pirate, Jacob Everson. . . . So much for the
    encouragement that privateers receive from this
    Government."[482]

His next letter to the Lords of Trade was dated at St. Jago two days
before the meeting of the new House of Assembly.

    "Nothing remarkable has happened since my letter of 1st
    February. The interloping ships trading for negroes contrary to
    the Charter of the Royal African Company have been too
    successful in this Island, four of them in some fourteen days
    (His Majesty's frigate being at sea) landed their negroes both
    to windward and leeward of Port Royal. The factors here had not
    the least warning whereby to make a timely seizure, before they
    landed them and dispersed them marked in several plantations. On
    Tuesday, 14th, the privateers were tried by a special Commission
    of oyer and terminer in the Court of Admiralty, when they were
    convicted of piracy and sentenced to die. But after deliberation
    and reflection that the General Assembly was to meet on the 18th
    following, I thought it not fit to post them to execution, lest
    it should scare all others from returning to their allegiance. I
    have already asked for the King's instructions herein, and have
    suspended the execution in the hope of receiving them within a
    reasonable time. The members elected to the General Assembly
    are, for the most part, very loyal and good gentlemen, from whom
    I have hopes of accommodating former differences."[483]

Jonathan Ashurst, Peter Beckford, William Beeston, and three members of
the former Assembly, who had been deported to England, were still absent
and consequently ineligible for re-election. William Coward, a merchant,
was elected to replace Beeston as one of the members for Port Royal.
Fifteen out of a total of thirty-two members of the new House had not
sat in the last Assembly. Samuel Bernard, who had been a member of the
last five Assemblies and afterwards became chief justice, was chosen as
Speaker.[484]

Morgan's proposal to send his Spanish prisoners to Cartagena for
punishment, according to the historian, Edward Long, was censured by
some members, but he remarked that "he was willing perhaps to convince
the Spaniards, by this sacrifice, that he knew how to distinguish
between hostilities carried on under a lawful commission and acts of
lawless piracy; and that he was determined to keep the treaty with the
Spaniards inviolate on his part."[485]

From Morgan's reply to a letter from Sir Leoline Jenkins, who had
recently been appointed a Secretary of State, it appears that some of
his enemies in England, among them no doubt Lynch and Vaughan and
perhaps some of the partners in the Royal African Company, had strongly
criticized his conduct.

On April 9 Morgan vigorously defended himself in a letter to the new
secretary, whose letter has disappeared.

    "Your letter of 3rd February arrived here the 6th instant by
    Captain Knapman. Thanks for your friendly intimation of the
    malicious confederacy to which Lord Carlisle and I have been
    exposed in the matter of countenancing pirates and privateers.
    The discouragement of them has always been the utmost endeavour
    of his Lordship, the Council, and myself. I have put to death,
    imprisoned, and transported to the Spaniard for execution all
    English and Spanish pirates that I could get within the power of
    this Government. I wrote a full account some weeks back to the
    Lords of Trade and Plantations, and have since received thanks
    from several Spanish Governors on the Main for exerting so much
    care and vigilance in the suppression of privateers. Lord
    Carlisle's earnest endeavours in this direction were the cause
    of the loss of H.M.S. _Success_ among the South Cays in Cuba,
    which the privateers used for sanctuary. Nothing was omitted by
    Government that tended to carry so good a work into effect, so
    far has it been from countenancing them or any other malefactors
    at sea or ashore. We have used Spaniards on all occasions with
    that respect, dispatch, and neighbourly friendship that they
    have more reason to be thankful for than complain. Privateers in
    the West Indies can be no more easily extirpated than robbers on
    the King's highway in England, both being lawless and driven by
    their respective necessities till overtaken by punishment. I am
    most infinitely obliged to His Majesty for his gracious opinion
    of my zeal in his service, particularly in repressing all
    piracy. I promise my utmost endeavours in the future, but I
    would that I had some small frigates to cruise about this
    Island, without which they will be busy and infest this coast,
    though they are prohibited all the ports and all commerce
    whatsoever with the inhabitants of the Island. The complaints
    against [Lord Carlisle and myself] have risen more from the
    desire of men to be popular than from their zeal for the King's
    service, valuing themselves of the frequent obstructions they
    give it. God forgive 'em. I do.

    "P.S. The Assembly did little at their first meeting; they meet
    after a long adjournment to-morrow."[486]

It is undeniable that Morgan had done more than any of his predecessors
to break up and disperse the bands of privateers, who had become actual
pirates and had set the royal proclamation at defiance. Those who
escaped arrest fled to the coast of Central America and tried to make
their way, as has been already stated, to the South Sea, where they
hoped to find a safer and richer field of activity. It has been
conjectured that some of their descendants are still to be found in
remote parts of those little known countries. The naturalist, Thomas
Belt, observed in Nicaragua many persons with "light sandy-coloured hair
and blue eyes", whom he believed were descended from the outlaws, who
took refuge at this time on the Rio Grande and Rio Wanks, and made the
present provinces of Segovia and Matagalpa their highway from ocean to
ocean.[487]

About this time Morgan removed from Port Royal and took up his residence
on the estate of Lawrencefield, so named by Lawrence Prince, who led his
advanced guard in the march upon Panama, ten years before. This was a
post of vantage, midway on the road from Passage Fort to Spanish Town,
from which either the capital or the port could be reached easily and
quickly. Here an ancient "great-house" still may be seen deeply
embosomed in luxuriant banana-fields, fed by irrigation streams from the
Rio Cobre.

In England he had a faithful friend and ally in the Earl of Carlisle,
who endeavoured to support his deputy loyally, but had no wish to return
to Jamaica himself.

[Illustration: Laurencefield in 1923    _See p. 316_]

[Illustration: Cabaritta Island, Port Maria    _See p. 346_]

    "I have by this post several letters from Jamaica," Carlisle
    wrote to Sir Leoline Jenkins from his castle in the north on
    April 18. "The orders are arrived, and Sir Henry Morgan will do
    his best to get a compliance with what His Majesty and the Lords
    expect, but I find there will be difficulty to get the Revenue
    Bill passed perpetual. I heartily desire you would move the King
    to give his part of the prize taken by Captain Heywood of H.M.S.
    _Success_ to Sir Henry Morgan. You know there is taken from him
    600 per annum payable here, and his company, [of foot] so that
    this gift will hardly recompense him the loss of the other this
    year, and the place he lives in is so chargeable that, with his
    generous humour, I know he will be a beggar, though I allow him
    600 out of what you have left me. I pray give Captain Morgan
    leave to wait upon you about this, and also to show you some
    letters from him."[488]

The Captain Morgan named in this letter was probably Charles Morgan, his
cousin and brother-in-law, who was then in England and had been a member
of the Assembly in 1677 for the parish of St. George and in 1678 for the
town of Port Royal. It may be surmised that the letters from Jamaica
threw additional light on the political situation, but they have
disappeared.

After his return to England Lord Carlisle had presented charges of
misconduct against Samuel Long and the Clerk of the Privy Council was
instructed to take a bond from Long for 1,000 as a guarantee for his
attendance at the Council from time to time.[489]

The appeal by Beeston and other members of Assembly lately dissolved,
for "a deliberative power in the making of laws; the negative and barely
resolving power being not according to the rights of Englishmen", was
successful to an astonishing extent. On the 30th of October, 1680,
Colonel Long and the other gentlemen from Jamaica were admitted to a
meeting of the Lords of Trade at Whitehall, which was attended by Prince
Rupert, the Duke of Albemarle, and other members, and were "acquainted
with a resolution of the committee to report to His Majesty that they
may enjoy the same method of making laws, as is now appointed for
Barbados, with which the gentlemen expressed themselves very well
satisfied."[490] The important concession thus made, had been embodied
in the third article of the capitulation between the royalists of that
island and the commissioners of the Commonwealth of England, afterwards
duly ratified by an act of Parliament on 18th August, 1652, which has
been called the charter of Barbados. This article, which, it is
believed, was drafted by Sir Thomas Modyford, reads: "That no taxes,
customs, imposts, loans, or excise shall be laid, nor levy made on the
inhabitants of this island without their assent in General
Assembly."[491]

By a new commission issued to the Earl of Carlisle as governor, dated
the 3rd November, 1680, all the former privileges of self-government
enjoyed by the inhabitants of Jamaica were restored. Instructions were
given for the election by the freeholders of their representatives to
sit as a General Assembly, who, after taking the oaths of allegiance and
supremacy, were empowered, with the advice of the governor and council,
to make, constitute, and ordain laws, statutes, and ordinances, which
were to be as nearly as possible in conformity with the laws of England.
These acts were to be forwarded to England within three months after
being passed, for the royal assent, but until disallowed, they were to
be in force.[492]

Not content with this signal triumph, Long instantly retaliated by
laying charges against the governor, which were supported by a petition
from certain traders and planters of Jamaica. These charges he was
ordered to present in writing to enable Lord Carlisle to make a written
answer.[493]

The appeal of the irrepressible Francis Mingham came before the Privy
Council in March and April, 1681, and after both parties had been heard
by their counsel, the committee reported that "the condemnation of
Mingham's ship and cargo was unwarranted, and the proceedings in the
action for scandal contemptuous towards your Majesty's Council Board and
throughout oppressive and unjust." Recommendations were made that the
300 for which his ship was sold should be refunded to him, "but as the
seizure was colourable and the case had divers circumstances of
suspicion", he was not allowed costs. Sir Henry Morgan and Mr. Thomas
Martin were required to express their satisfaction with this judgment,
so that Mingham should be no more troubled thereby. The King was advised
to declare in a fitting manner his displeasure with Morgan and Martin
"to discourage the like proceedings to other persons in power." Mingham
was granted liberty to take such further remedy as he thought proper to
obtain proper satisfaction for his sufferings while in prison. With
reference to a petition from the provost marshal of Jamaica the
committee thought it reasonable that his fees should be paid by Morgan
and Martin in proportion to the sums of 2,000 and 300 for which
Mingham had been arrested under execution. An order to that effect was
made.[494] This adverse judgment was a severe blow to Morgan's prestige
both in England and Jamaica.

The Assembly passed an act for restraining and punishing privateers and
pirates very promptly.[495] In compliance with its provisions on May 12
a proclamation was approved by the governor and council, offering a free
pardon to all persons serving under foreign commissions, who should
return to their allegiance before the 1st day of September
following.[496]

The proceedings of the Assembly were recorded by Morgan at considerable
length in a letter written a few days later.

    "Pursuant to my instructions I summoned a Council, and by their
    advice ordered the issue of writs for the election of a General
    Assembly, which accordingly were returned on the 18th March
    last, when they chose Samuel Bernard, Esq., a person of ability
    for their Speaker. At the first opening of the Assembly I found
    them fairly inclined from their great satisfaction at the King's
    restoration to them of their formerly enjoyed privileges; but
    when I insinuated among the leading men the strictness of my
    instructions to press for a perpetual revenue, and they
    communicated it to their brethren, they inclined to some heats.
    However, that they might gain time for their cooling, they
    presented a bill for the keeping of the revenue for forty-four
    days, with an additional clause imposing five pounds on every
    negro slave that should be exported out of this Island to be
    paid to the King. This imposition was occasioned by the
    merchants supplying the Spaniard with great numbers of negroes
    rather than the planters, whose necessities pressed them much
    for a good supply. I wanted not reason enough to refuse the
    Bill, but two Madeira ships were just arrived, whose duties
    amounted to about 800, and were in hazard to be lost, and
    moreover abundance of interloping negroes were on the Island,
    purposely reserved for the Spanish trade. I was anxious also
    myself to avoid anything that might make them uneasy on the
    first entrance into business, so by the advice of the Council
    (one only excepted) I gave this Bill the Royal Assent, but with
    a caution to the Speaker and Assembly that they should not make
    it a precedent for any such Bill in future. At their meeting
    after adjournment in Easter holidays I could not find in any of
    them an inclination but rather an adverseness to a perpetual
    revenue, so I was driven to my private instructions for the
    gaining of it for at least seven years, which by all means I did
    endeavour, but as yet ineffectually. Soon after they fell into a
    dispute, managed at several meetings of Committees of the
    Council and Assembly about the style of enacting laws, to which
    I am as strictly tied as to the observance of seven years for
    the Revenue. Having laboriously possessed them with the
    indispensable necessity I lay under of obeying my instructions,
    from which I durst in no way swerve, and without obedience to
    which they could not enjoy the full fruit of the King's gracious
    favour, I at last communicated to several of the members, as
    private gentlemen, the two paragraphs, one of my private, the
    other of my general instructions, touching the revenue and the
    style of enacting. Finding me under so absolute necessity of so
    strict observance, they began to be of a better digestion, but
    recollecting that they had prepared a great many Acts in an
    enacting style which I could not admire, and had passed them
    twice in the House in a wrong style, they were prevented from
    making the alteration they were inclinable to make, without
    violating the parliamentary way of making Acts. Most of them
    being under great impatience to be at their plantations, being
    all in the chief of their work, they generally and unanimously
    desired to be prorogued, that they might begin again that which,
    when more successfully finished, might the better speak the
    thankful acknowledgment of the King's most gracious
    condescension in granting them their ancient privileges. Upon
    which, by the advice of the Council, I prorogued the General
    Assembly till 24th June next, and, meanwhile I am labouring all
    I can to gain the Revenue Bill for seven years, wherein I have
    encouragement to hope for success.

    "I fear your Lordships may have had a late disorder by a
    proclamation pretended to have been made here for the
    intercepting of interlopers. It is of the same birth and nature
    as many other undeserved aspersions thrown privately against me
    by malicious adversaries, who through me would have maligned the
    Government, and dare not give me an opportunity of so fair a
    vindication as I now lay at your Lordships' feet, where I doubt
    not of an honourable justification. May I no longer live and
    prosper than I honour and obey my King."[497]

The vindication enclosed was in the form of a declaration addressed to
the Lords of Trade by the Council of Jamaica, dated on the same day as
his letter.

    "Understanding by the pamphlet herein enclosed," it said, "that
    some evil disposed persons have caused a proclamation to be put
    in print as passed by our Governor in a form much reflecting on
    our Government, we hold it our bounden duty to clear it from
    that aspersion, and, if possible to find out the contrivers of
    the forgery. To that end we called before us divers of the
    officers, civil and military, who being examined upon oath, all
    unanimously declared that they never saw or heard of such a
    proclamation before the said pamphlet was produced here. And we
    also on our parts do assure you of the same. But the foundation
    of the report (which some malicious men at home have aggravated
    by additions of their own) appears to have proceeded from the
    indiscretion of the Secretary, who being also one of the factors
    of the Royal African Company, was to prepare a warrant of
    assistance for the seizure of all interlopers to be signed by
    the Governor. He, making an ill choice of a form and committing
    that to a scrivener to be transcribed, divers copies were
    obtained and sent for England, where they were printed under
    title of a proclamation with the name of Sir Henry Morgan
    subscribed to it; whereas it is certain that Sir Henry Morgan
    never so much as saw the said warrant (as it was so prepared).
    This was no sooner communicated by the said Secretary to the
    Company's other factor here than he suppressed it, and drew
    another form, as your Lordships may see enclosed, which is the
    only warrant of that kind that ever was signed by the Governor
    or presented to him to be signed to the best of our knowledge."

This statement was certified by the signatures of the nine members of
the Council who were present at the meeting. With it were enclosed a
copy of "Smith's Protestant Intelligence, Domestic and Foreign, Number
12," dated Monday, 7th March, to Thursday, 10th March, 1681, containing
a copy of the forged proclamation, and a copy of the genuine
proclamation, signed by Morgan, and countersigned by Rowland Powell, the
Secretary.[498]

The Minutes of this meeting of the Council held specially to investigate
the subject of the forgery of the proclamation contained a report of the
examination of thirteen persons, among them being the Receiver-General,
the Secretary, the Provost-Marshal, his deputy, his clerk, the Naval
Officer, Francis Hanson, the lawyer, who had been Mingham's counsel,
John Montfort, a writing master, a physician, and three of the principal
merchants. Their evidence showed that Powell, the secretary, had
received a draft of the original proclamation from Hanson, had altered
it, and had given the altered draft to Montfort for transcription.
Montfort, with Powell's consent, had given a copy to Henry Ward, a
merchant, who sent it to England. This draft of a proclamation had been
found unsatisfactory by the Council, and was rejected and another form
had been adopted. None of the witnesses were able to tell how the
rejected proclamation came to be printed in London.[499]

Morgan summarized the contents of his letter of May 18 to the Lords of
Trade in a later letter to Jenkins, with an important addition.

    "Colonel Samuel Long and Mr. Jonathan Ashurst with their
    families are lately arrived by Capt. Bannister", he wrote. "They
    are of a much more moderate temper than when they left us, and
    seem to sit down with us in a more sedate and satisfied
    condition, having before their departure possessed the people
    with a very strange assurance that they should receive what
    their hearts desired from the success of their solicitations at
    Whitehall. Since their arrival I have been very careful in
    following your instructions for their reception, and I question
    not but they will be careful of exposing themselves to such
    another voyage."[500]

His next letter to the Lords of Trade was written in a cheerful mood.

    "All things here at present have a prosperous aspect, and I am
    in hopes that when the Assembly meets again on the 24th instant
    matters will be quietly carried on. Yet I much fear that the
    perpetuity of the Act of Revenue will not be assented to, though
    I shall leave no means untried to advance it. I have by me some
    queries of your Lordships concerning the nature of this place
    and the constitution of this Government, to which I shall answer
    to the best of my ability by the first ship. I shall also send
    at the same time the naval officer's accounts which were omitted
    through the negligence of my secretary, Mr. Powell, whom for
    that and several other incorrect and unhandsome dealings with me
    I have by the advice of the Council turned out of office."[501]

His letter to Sir Leoline Jenkins, written on the same day, gave fuller
information respecting the misconduct of his secretary.

    "The remoteness of this place gives so much opportunity to the
    tongue and hand of malice that the greatest innocence cannot be
    protected without much care and watchfulness", he said. "I
    suppose you have heard of the foul dealing I had lately shown me
    by one who should have stood between me and calumny, my
    secretary, Mr. Rowland Powell. To his great shame and the
    endangering of my reputation he has without my knowledge and the
    privity of any of the Council here, made use of my seal and
    pretended my hand to a proclamation of his own contriving to
    empower the factors of the African Company (whereof he is one)
    and command this country to do things contrary to law. But I
    hope I have taken sufficient care to remove that false aspersion
    at home. I have for that purpose taken several depositions which
    clear the matter and disclose his printed shame, but I did not
    think myself secure till with the Council's advice I had removed
    the dangerous cause and employed one Barclay for my Secretary.
    He is a man of untarnished reputation who has lived here these
    many years, has acted as secretary of the Island, been clerk
    both of the Supreme and Petty Courts, and three times clerk of
    former Assemblies without the least blame or suspicion. I speak
    these truths about him to prevent calumny, which will doubtless
    be busy. I have taken the utmost care to protect the African
    Company, maintain its rights, and obstruct the coming of
    interlopers, and I doubt not the interloping commerce would fall
    of itself if the Company would keep the Island sufficiently
    supplied with negroes at the present rates. Powell is
    responsible for the failure to transmit the naval officers'
    accounts. I have little assurance about carrying the Bill for
    perpetual revenue."[502]

Although Samuel Long had not been reinstated as chief justice, he had
won a signal victory in his contest with Lord Carlisle in the main
object of his mission to England, and his return to Jamaica had
stiffened the opposition of a majority of the members of the Assembly to
the passage of the proposal for raising a perpetual revenue, which they
believed would make the governor independent of them. Long and his
adherents were then and for many years afterwards popularly regarded as
single-minded patriots, who had secured for their fellow-colonists the
privileges which rightfully belonged to them as English subjects.
Carlisle's influence steadily declined, and in April, 1681, a report was
circulated in London that he would be succeeded as governor of Jamaica
by the Duke of Grafton, an illegitimate son of the King, and that Morgan
would be replaced as deputy governor by Sir Thomas Lynch. These reports
became known in Jamaica about midsummer and certainly did not strengthen
Morgan's position.[503]

When Morgan's letter of March 16 was read at the Privy Council three
months later, announcing that he had respited the men convicted of
piracy until the King's pleasure was known, an order was immediately
made for their execution.[504]

Early in July Morgan reported in a letter to the Lords of Trade that he
had continued his efforts for the suppression of piracy.

    "The frigate _Norwich_ happening to be in the harbour, the
    provisions sent by Knapman and Lockwood for her supply were
    received by her commander, Captain Heywood, who, I doubt not,
    has acknowledged their receipt. We have used the sloop captured
    from Everson to accompany the _Norwich_ in cruising after
    pirates. She saves the great charge, which before we were at, of
    a pilot, sounds the dangerous places, and is able to pursue the
    pirates where the frigate cannot go; she is useful besides to
    give information of such accidents as happen. I lately had some
    pirates brought in. One according to his demerits was executed,
    and one Thomas, a most notorious villain, who recently took a
    valuable vessel of this Island, is taken and under trial. I have
    sent the frigate to cruise and have given Capt. Heywood
    particular charge to look for one Laurence (or Laurent), a great
    and mischievous pirate, who commands a ship of twenty-eight guns
    and had two hundred men on board, and that the frigate might be
    the better able to deal with him and to free her from danger of
    being worsted or taken, I have put forty good men aboard of her,
    twenty out of the Earl of Carlisle's company and twenty out of
    mine own, and have ordered Capt. Heywood to enter them in his
    book. I doubt not but your Honours will allow of this charge, it
    being necessary for the King's service and the preservation of
    the frigate. She has been lately careened. I will send an
    account of the charge by the next ship. There are some
    boatswain's stores here which were formerly sent for the
    _Success_. I beg instructions how they are to be employed."[505]

Laurent had originally been engaged with some success in the Spanish
service against the French buccaneers, but having been captured by them,
was persuaded to take command of one of their ships. In 1683 he assisted
Van Horn in taking Vera Cruz, but afterwards quarrelling with him,
mortally wounded him in a duel on La Caye du Sacrifice. Next year he
took a large Spanish ship armed with thirty-six guns, after a battle
lasting eight hours, in which it is stated four hundred Spaniards were
killed. Having become naturalized as a French subject, Laurent served
under Grammont in the capture of Campeachy in 1686, and in his
expedition against Cartagena. He is described as a handsome tall man
with fair hair and moustache, remarkable for his polished manners, and
very fond of music, playing well on the violin and other instruments. He
was an experienced navigator and succeeded in eluding Heywood's search
without much difficulty.[506]

Morgan's letter to Sir Leoline Jenkins of the same date gave some
additional information of his warfare with the pirates, privateers, and
interlopers.

    "The ship that bears this sails so suddenly after the former
    fleet that I have little news. I must, however, acquaint you
    that I continue with all my might to repress the insolencies of
    the privateers and pirates, who grow so numerous and desperate
    even to assaulting and taking His Majesty's own subjects' ships
    and goods. I have sent out the frigate with a sloop to attend
    her. When any of the pirates are brought to me I use the utmost
    severity of the law against them. I have already caused one to
    be executed and am about the trial of another. I am likewise
    careful to hinder interlopers for the protection of the Royal
    African Company. They have in pursuance of the Royal commands
    sold the negroes of their last ship at 18 a head, which proves
    a great help and ease to the country. I send for the Lords of
    Trade the naval officer's account of goods exported and imported
    from 20th Sept. to 25th March last. They should have been sent
    before had not my late Secretary, Mr. Powell, mislaid or lost
    them."[507]

The Assembly met again in midsummer and exercised its lately restored
"deliberative power of making laws" in a session which lasted from June
24 until the end of August, when the House was again prorogued until
October 4. Much of Morgan's time was spent in strenuous efforts to
induce the members to pass a bill for raising a permanent revenue in
pursuance of the royal instructions. The unexpected departure of a
merchant ship enabled him to make hasty reports to the Lords of Trade
and the Secretary of State on July 14.

    "We are much infested by pirates who, under the name of
    privateers, presume even to plunder and take vessels belonging
    to this Island. They took one commanded by Capt. Chandeler, who,
    strangely, afterwards brought him to this Island in a longboat.
    Since writing the original, of which this is a copy, the
    frigate, which I sent to convoy Capt. John Crocker's ship and
    negroes to Carthagena, is returned. He found the fleet there.
    The Admiral sent me a packet for the King which I have committed
    to the care of Mr. Blathwayt. The pirate whom Capt. Chandeler
    brought in is found guilty and executed. The frigate is going
    out within a few days to cruise and free the coast from several
    vagabonds that infest it. Our Assembly still sits and business
    goes on currently and without heat. I have gratified them with
    some useful Acts for this country in the hope that they may more
    readily consent to the King's desires in passing the revenue.
    The suddenness of the ship's departure prevents my sending
    copies of the Acts at present. I shall not fail to send them by
    the first opportunity."[508]

In a postscript to his letter to Jenkins he commented on the
unsatisfactory result of his attempt to obtain the release of English
prisoners at Carthagena.

"The frigate demanded prisoners," he wrote, "but found none; such as
were there before its arrival had been sent to Havana. The Spanish fleet
is at Carthagena."[509]

But only two days later he wrote again to Jenkins in much perturbation
from the receipt of some disquieting information.

"I wonder that notwithstanding my diligence and care that I should have
been evilly represented to the King by people who are causelessly
prejudiced against me. But I hope you have too good an opinion of me to
believe them."[510]

Five weeks after this he had apparently received some more definite
warning of an impending unfavourable change of policy in England, which
caused him to remonstrate with the Secretary of State.

    "Since my last," he wrote, "I am by the public rumour and vogue
    possessed that the King hath disbanded the two companies here.
    We have had such a report for a long time but I have ever looked
    upon it as groundless, as I had no account of it from Court, and
    should much wonder if it were so and so great a charge imposed
    on the Colony without intimation. It is said Colonel Long
    induced the King to dismiss the companies as being useless here.
    I am much startled by the Colonel's allegation, seeing that our
    daily experience proves the contrary. They are constantly
    employed either at sea or ashore, in bringing in runaway or
    rebellious negroes or reducing of pirates, who, as I have
    already told you, are very numerous. Twenty of the soldiers are
    at this moment on board the _Norwich_ in pursuit of a powerful
    and desperate pirate, and I hear there has been an encounter and
    that some of them are wounded, but I have no particulars. By
    this you will judge of their usefulness. I urge nothing in
    favour of myself since I am daily in likelihood of being removed
    from the government; it is for the King's service and for the
    good of the Island that I urge their continuance here, and I beg
    of your good offices with the King that they may be continued.

    "P.S. I have never received any advice about them from the Court
    beyond a resulte of the Lords of Trade offering their opinion
    that they should be disbanded. This I received from my
    correspondent, and never thought it a sufficient order to
    disband the King's soldiers, raised by his commission under his
    sign manual and signet. For it is a common maxim, nothing can
    cut a diamond but a diamond, so I humbly conceive I am not nor
    can be safe in doing of it except I receive the King's command
    under his hand and the seal of your office or of the Privy
    Council. I beg therefore once more to know the King's pleasure
    herein, for it is heavy upon me to maintain these men of my
    company, who are, whatever may have been said, a full hundred
    men, at my own charges, and much heavier on the other parties.
    God preserve your Honour is and shall be the prayer of Henry
    Morgan."[511]

On the first day of the third meeting of the Assembly, Rowland Powell,
who was still acting as secretary of the colony, made a short official
report to the Lords of Trade.

    "I have delivered nine Acts, which have received the Royal
    Assent to Sir Henry Morgan. Fifteen more cannot be sent owing to
    the fleet being ready to sail at their passing. The Assembly
    meet to pass the Revenue Bill to-morrow, whereof if the report
    of a new Governor do not impede, we have great hopes. I propose
    to send the whole body of laws when passed, but this, together
    with abundant other incidents of my office, is an occasion of
    great expense, that is not considered by the country, which has
    already made the fees below the labour of this expensive Colony.
    I am also copying the Minutes of the Assembly and Council for
    you."[512]

On the same day Morgan described his negotiations with the Assembly with
considerable detail in a letter to Jenkins.

    "I acquainted you in a former letter with my endeavours to
    persuade the Assembly to comply frankly and generously with the
    King's desires as to the Revenue Bill; but their fears,
    jealousies, and suspicions are such that, notwithstanding all my
    persuasions, all the friends I could make in the House, and the
    willingness that they profess to please His Majesty in all
    things, they drew up and passed a Bill limiting the revenue to
    two years. As soon as I heard thereof, I summoned the Speaker
    and the whole House to the Council Board, where I seriously
    demonstrated to them the King's goodness and affection to
    Jamaica, the just reason that he would have to be displeased
    with their proceedings, the fatal consequences thereof, and the
    groundlessness of their fears. Having answered the objections on
    which they built most, and showed the absoluteness of the King's
    resolution to have the Act of Revenue passed for at least seven
    years, and finding them somewhat startled and beginning to see
    their error, I remanded them to their House, where they
    immediately threw out their two years Bill. Thereupon I sent for
    them back to the Council table and that there might be a new
    Bill, which I doubt not to be to the King's satisfaction, I
    prorogued them to the 4th October. The reasons that they gave me
    for limiting their Bill to two years were that the Colony not
    being fully settled, there would be necessity to alter several
    of the laws before the expiration of seven years, and that the
    Revenue being established, Governors would not mind the calling
    of Assemblies. However, they dread the change of Government,
    should it fall into the hand of some person uninterested in this
    place, and would mind not the interest of Jamaica, but his own
    profit and advantage. Such a man having good friends at Court,
    whereof they are destitute, will be able to make good his party
    against them and all their interest, securely convert to his own
    use the moneys which the King intends for the support of the
    Government in the Island, and leave the whole burthen of
    building and repairing the fortifications and other charges upon
    the country. These and such like motives they alleged in
    justification of their proceedings. Since writing the above
    lines there is again news of the alteration of Government here.
    What effect it may produce upon the Assembly when it next sits I
    cannot tell, but I am sure that, if things had continued without
    change during the Session, it would have been shorter, and all
    transactions to His Majesty's contentment; and I dare presume
    that long ere now the Act of Revenue would have been passed and
    that of the Militia also, excepting the last clause. I say it
    not out of vanity, but as a truth that is perceived of all that
    have insight into business here. The great expense that a
    Governor is at during the holding of an Assembly is hardly
    imaginable. Since this began I have been at no less than 1,000
    charge, and this necessary for the King's service. Governors at
    such times are forced to keep open house, which must be judged
    to be no small charge where things are at no easy rate. I have
    given the Royal assent to fourteen Bills more, but the shortness
    of the time would not permit me to send them. I send nine of the
    former Bills, and will send the remaining fifteen by the first
    opportunity."[513]

The subject of the future system of government for Jamaica had been
referred to the Lords of Trade and a report had been made by them,
submitting a commission and instructions for Sir Thomas Lynch as
successor to Lord Carlisle, and recommending the revocation of the
commissions of Sir Henry Morgan as Lieutenant-General and Sir Francis
Watson as Major-General, "which offices," they said, "wee doe not thinke
of any further use to your Majestyes service in that Colony." This
report had been approved by the Privy Council on July 28.[514]

On August 6, a commission was signed by the King appointing Lynch
Captain-General, Vice-Admiral, and Governor-in-Chief of Jamaica, by
which he was given power to appoint and suspend members of the Council,
and declaring any Councillors thus suspended incapable of holding any
public office.[515]

At a meeting of the Lords of Trade on September 3, Morgan's letter,
dated on July 2, was read and a list was approved of persons recommended
for appointment as members of a new Council for Jamaica, in which his
name was included. An order was made for the insertion of their names in
Lynch's instructions. Four days later a letter to Morgan revoking his
commissions as Deputy Governor and Lieutenant-General was signed by the
King. No reasons were stated for his dismissal from these offices, nor
can they be easily conjectured.

Some private information of Lynch's appointment apparently had been
given to Morgan before he wrote his letter on October 4, and he must
have known that the new governor was not a friend. Seven years before
he had been superseded as Lieutenant-Governor by Morgan, greatly to his
mortification, and he had not forgiven him. By his marriage with Vere, a
daughter of Sir Edward Herbert, Attorney-General to Charles I, he had
increased his influence at Court, and was distantly connected with the
Morgan family. He still possessed an estate in Jamaica, which he had
revisited in 1677.

Morgan's first report of the proceedings of the Assembly had not been
well received in London. At a meeting of the Privy Council held on
October 14, the King was informed that Sir Henry Morgan had

    "at an Assembly called by him passed severall Laws and that
    severall other Bills were ready to be presented to him for his
    consent without any Provision made for the better Support of the
    Government by passing the Act of Revenue according to his
    Majesty's Instructions bearing date the Third of November, 1680,
    And his Majesty withall taking notice of an Instruction to Sir
    Thomas Lynch, his Majesty's present Governor in Chief of Jamaica
    forbidding him to passe any Law in that Island, (Except an Act
    of Naturalization and an Act for the more effectuall suppressing
    of Privateers), in case the Assembly shall refuse to passe the
    Bill for the Publique Revenue for such terme as his Majesty has
    directed so that the Continuance of the Laws passed or to be
    passed by Sir Henry Morgan may very much obstruct his Majesty's
    Service in that Island, unless the Act for the Publique Revenue
    were also agreed to."[516]

Secretary Jenkins was in consequence ordered to prepare a warrant for
the King's signature declaring all laws so passed or to be passed
"absolutely void and null, in case the said Bill for the Publique
Revenue be not also passed into an Act before the Arrivall of Sir Thomas
Linch." He was instructed to give this warrant to Lynch with directions
to publish it if necessary.[517]

But early in November Morgan was able to announce in a letter to the
Lords of Trade that the prolonged session of the Assembly had terminated
in a much more satisfactory manner than he had expected.

    "I have at last, after seven months' holding of the Assembly
    (though I must needs say with much difficulty, cost, and
    charge), got the Act of Revenue for seven years. But the
    Assembly to secure the country from what I intimated to be the
    grounds of their fears and jealousies, have annexed to it all
    other Acts passed since their first sitting and have enacted
    that they shall be of equal duration with it. Also, remembering
    that during the Governments of Sir Thos. Modyford and Lord
    Vaughan the King had for nine or ten years granted 600 a year
    towards the making and maintaining of fortifications here, and
    that no part thereof was applied to that purpose, they have
    settled 1,000 a year out of the impost for that use; and that
    they may be sure that it shall be duly employed as intended,
    they oblige all Governors during the term of seven years to call
    annually an Assembly which is to sit for at least ten days, to
    take an account of the disposal of that money, and in case of
    misapplication, the more regularly and legally to beg redress
    and represent that, or any other grievance to the King. The
    clause in the Militia Act I could not get passed without a
    mitigation to the following purpose, viz., that it shall not be
    in the power of any Governor to force any inhabitant of Jamaica
    to service or to do anything contrary to the laws of England. I
    heartily hope my well-intended endeavours may prove to His
    Majesty's satisfaction. I shall think all my time, pains, and
    expenses happily employed if they have that good success. You
    will, I hope, believe, that I had no other motive thereunto but
    zeal in the King's service; I can hardly be suspected of any
    other, being on the point of surrendering the Government. I am
    well pleased that the tediousness in passing the Revenue Bill
    proceeded not from any animosity or heats among the Assembly or
    any disobedience to the King's commands. Never Assembly appeared
    to submit more cheerfully to His Majesty's will, nor hold more
    unanimously together. It was their anxiety to secure the country
    against foreign powers, and guard private interests from being
    impaired by the expense of fortifications in case the King's
    money were misapplied, that caused the difficulties and the
    cautions and the length of the session. The ships sail so
    suddenly that I cannot possibly send the Acts now; they shall be
    sent by the first opportunity. I doubt not that when you have
    perused them you will excuse the cautiousness of the Assembly
    and represent it favourably to the King."[518]

It is apparent that he was in the fullest and most cordial agreement
with the action of the Assembly.

He supplemented this report in a letter written on the same day to Sir
Leoline Jenkins.

    "After all our difficulties and uncertainties, things are now, I
    hope, brought to a lucky conclusion. The Revenue Bill is passed
    for seven years, so the King gives his assent within a year and
    a day. I gave my assent on 28th Oct. last, and prorogued the
    Assembly till 12th July. The long delay was due to the
    Assembly's fear that the country would be charged with the
    expense of the fortifications if a certain sum were not secured
    for the purpose and that they would be forced to purchase laws
    of Governors, who well know the cost of assemblies and none
    better than I. Having secured themselves by making the Acts
    indefinite and appointing a thousand pounds a year to the
    fortifications, they passed the Bill for seven years. I hope
    that their proceedings may be pleasing to the King. It is only
    with great difficulty that I have got things done as they are;
    and I fear that if they be rejected it will be hard for any
    Governor again to obtain the like. I am sure the revenue will
    answer all expectations of the Governor and Government; if the
    King should keep his lieutenant-general, and major-general, the
    greatest difficulty will be between this and March. Afterwards
    all will be easy and pleasant. I wish I had found the colony in
    the position wherein I leave it."[519]

The act for "restraining privateers" declared that "all articles
concluded and all treaties of peace agreed upon with foreign states
shall be inviolably kept", and enacted that "any subject belonging to
the island, who should serve in a hostile manner in America, under any
foreign prince, state, or potentate, shall be deemed a felon, and, upon
conviction, suffer death."

Among other acts passed and assented to by Morgan were one fixing the
legal rate of interest at ten per cent. per annum and another "declaring
the laws of England to be in force in Jamaica." A very important
"Masters and Servants" act was passed, of which the chief provisions
were:

    (1) Masters were required to keep one white servant to the first
    five slaves, one to the second five, and for every ten after the
    first ten one; (5), a penalty of 10 was imposed for the
    employment of a free person without a certificate of good
    character from the last employer; (9), fathers of bastard
    children were required to indemnify the parish for their
    support; (10), a freeman who married a servant was required to
    pay a fine of 20 to her master, and the woman was to become
    free; (12), a fine of 20 was imposed on a master for turning
    away a sick servant under pretence of granting freedom; (13), no
    servant was to be whipped on the bare body, without an order
    from a justice of the peace, under a penalty of 5; (16), no
    Christian servant was to be buried before the body was seen by a
    justice of the peace, or another officer of the law.[520]

The act declaring the laws of England to be in force in Jamaica was
"made void and of none effect" by an order of the Privy Council, dated
on the 23rd of February, 1682.[521]

A letter from J. Brisbane at Derby House to Sir Leoline Jenkins has
survived, which refers to a letter from Morgan to the Navy Board "to be
put to such use as you may judge best in dealing with the French
Ambassador's letter about the capture of a French ship near Jamaica by a
privateer flying English colours."[522]

His most trusted correspondent in England at that time was probably his
brother-in-law and cousin, Charles Morgan, who acted as his agent, and
was at the same time seeking confirmation by royal commission for
himself as governor of Port Royal, which post he already held by
appointment from Lord Carlisle. The Lords of Trade were informed by
Secretary Jenkins that the King "being willing to gratify Captain
Charles Morgan in his application, referred to them the question
whether, according to the usual methods of government and without
altering the powers granted to Sir T. Lynch, he could grant a commission
to him to command Fort Charles." The Lords prudently answered that it
would be more convenient to recommend the governor to grant such a
commission.[523]

When the application came to Lynch's knowledge he made an acrid
objection, which revealed his ill will very plainly.

    "I have lately understood from an acquaintance of Capt. Charles
    Morgan in London that he there makes great parade of his
    interest at Court and designed to have the King's Commission as
    Governor of the Castle of Port Royal at Jamaica. I shall wonder
    if this be pretended, though the young man be wild and
    inconsiderate enough, because when I was first sent for by Mr.
    Secretary I sent for him and assured him of my friendship and
    his continuance, afterwards gave him leave to stay till Knapman
    came. So far was I from any thought of removing him that last
    week I wrote Col. Beeston to speak to Capt. Morgan to bring
    cartridge paper for the fort with him; so that it seems to be
    rather his desire to affront me than fear of losing his command
    that makes him make this application. I suppose Mr. Secretary
    will understand this so and that if I am so imposed on at my
    entry into this employment it will be impossible for me to
    effect what is expected of me; for much depends on my credit
    here, and the setting up of this man in this trifling employment
    will be the setting up of a party against the King's Government.
    Besides I suppose Mr. Secretary knows as well as you the hard
    terms I go on and since the Governor and Captain of the Forts
    has nothing and is no more than a militia officer of the
    country, it would be inconvenient to appoint him here, whence he
    has nothing, and a thing unthought of in any Government, It will
    have such a train of ill consequences that I believe Mr.
    Secretary will not advise the King to do anything in it; and I
    hope he will make the young man know that he is indiscreet and
    ungrateful in mistrusting my promise in endeavouring to maim the
    Government, and in making other application than to himself,
    whose recommendation would have obliged me to continue even
    though I had removed him, which is a thing I never thought of,
    for his father's and relations' sake. I beg you to discourse Mr.
    Secretary in this affair if you think it needful."[524]

At a meeting of the Council of Jamaica, attended by Sir Henry Morgan and
seven other members, on the 17th of January, 1682, a petition was read
from Captain Peter Paine, commanding a French ship, named _La
Trompeuse_, which had lately arrived at Port Royal, stating that he had
hired that ship from the King of France, but on hearing of the recent
cruel treatment of the Protestants in that country as a result of the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes, he had determined to send her back
and pay the money due from him under his contract, and ask leave to
become a settler in Jamaica under the protection of the English
government. He was admitted into the Council chamber, when his contract
was read and entered in the Minutes. After some discussion a resolution
was passed unanimously that Captain Paine should be received under the
King's protection and naturalized, on engaging to make every effort to
return his ship to the King of France. Subsequent information proved
that this man had been guilty of fraud and other offences, his ship
became a very active pirate, and Morgan was severely censured for hasty
and imprudent conduct in granting his petition.[525]

On the same day the members of the Council present prepared and signed a
very careful justification of their conduct respecting recent
legislation. Although Morgan abstained from attaching his signature he
seems to have entirely approved its contents.

    "We have with all possible care endeavoured to pursue the King's
    instructions for the calling of a General Assembly to make laws
    conducing to his service and acceptable to his subjects here,"
    they said. "The difficulties which we have encountered by
    frequent disputes have been the cause of several prorogations
    before we could pass a body of laws which we now transmit. And
    though we have so closely followed the Royal orders as to admit
    of nothing contradictory to them, yet necessity has forced us to
    consent to some things which our judgments disapproved; but we
    hope that our reasons will be found valid by you. The Assembly
    refused to ascertain the jurisdiction of the Admiralty by a
    provision in the Act for the boundary of parishes, upon which
    the whole clause which clashed with it was left out, and the
    jurisdiction referred to the decision of the law. As for the
    Bill for ascertaining the rates of negroes, the Assembly, on our
    producing the King's orders in Council for the same, were so
    fond of it that no other business could be done till that was
    adjusted. Nevertheless, the Bill that they prepared being
    different in some points from the intent of the said order, we
    contested the same, and being unable after several conferences
    to bring them to consent to our reasonable amendments, we
    rejected it. Another being afterwards proposed more agreeable to
    the said order we could not but agree to it. The Assembly would
    by no means consent to the last proviso directed to be inserted
    in the Militia Bill. The more plausible we tried to make it the
    more jealous they were of it, as if it rendered not only that
    Bill but all our other laws ineffectual. Considering that the
    Bill must have fallen, unless accommodation could be made by
    some after clause to secure them from such illegal use as they
    thought might be made of that proviso, we were forced to consent
    to the clause that concludes the Act. As to the Revenue Bill our
    difficulties were so many that we shall trouble you only with
    those that were most contested. First there was the application
    of a thousand pounds per annum to the fortifications, which we
    should have preferred to have been done by the King's
    instructions rather than by virtue of the Act. But to this the
    Assembly would not agree, saying it knew by long experience the
    little care taken for the reparation of the forts, especially as
    the six hundred pounds a year allowed by the King to that end
    out of the English Establishment had never yet, nor any part
    thereof, been applied thereto. Our second objection was to
    annual Assemblies, as intrenching on the Royal Prerogative. They
    replied with great submission that they intended nothing of the
    kind, and beg that this might be understood, protesting that
    their only object was to give themselves the power of
    representing any grievances or oppressions to the King; a thing
    which, as private individuals, they could not do without risk
    of being accounted seditious. Our third objection was against
    tacking the body of the laws to the Revenue Bill. They answered
    that they had spent much time and money in making several bodies
    of laws, some of which were sent home for the King's
    confirmation; but that owing to the distance of Jamaica, the
    preoccupation of the ministers at home with more important
    affairs, and the inability of the Colony to afford the expense
    of a solicitor constantly to watch its interests, none of these
    laws have been confirmed. The delays have been such that laws
    have often expired before the King's pleasure was known or the
    Assembly could have an opportunity of reviewing them, which has
    caused the Government great and unavoidable difficulties. To
    avoid such trouble in the future they could think of no better
    expedient than to tack the laws to the Revenue Bill. The two
    years limited for their ratification they judge a sufficient
    time for the signification of the King's pleasure. We rejoined
    and backed our argument with several reasons that they had no
    ground to distrust the King's confirmation of the laws, as they
    had hitherto followed his directions in all respects, and that
    the only thing to be feared was that this and the former clauses
    might create exceptions not only against the Bill itself but
    against the whole body of laws, thus bringing about the very
    evil which they causelessly dreaded. Nevertheless they insisted
    on it as the sense of the whole house, adding that the foregoing
    clauses were the great, if not the only, motives which led them
    to pass the Bill for seven years. Beyond that time no arguments
    could prevail with them to extend it. Whereupon, considering the
    impossibility of obtaining the Bill and the other laws that
    depended on it on any other terms, the ruinous state of the
    forts, and the difficulties of the Government for want of
    revenue and laws, we thought best to accept the Bill on these
    terms rather than lose it, for we had reasons to believe that
    the same conditions would be revived for the Bill on a future
    occasion, if we should reject it on the present. We hope that
    these explanations will satisfy you for our behaviour, and that
    the King will confirm the laws and apprise us to that effect
    within a reasonable time."[526]

The case for and against the action of the Assembly was clearly and
fairly presented without prejudice. The governor's firm but tactful
negotiation with that resolute and suspicious body had resulted in what
he had considered was a satisfactory compromise.

About the end of the same month Morgan received a distressing petition
from Philip Dogherty and Richard Roerty, "newly returned from servitude
at Mexico." These two men declared on oath that they had been made
prisoners at Trist in the Bay of Campeachy, on the 13th of May, 1680,
with sixty other Englishmen. They were taken to Vera Cruz where they
were forced to carry sand for six weeks, without a day of rest, even on
Sundays, but were afterwards removed to the city of Mexico on the
receipt of news of the arrival of the "Plate fleet", with the Marquis de
Laguna, the newly appointed Viceroy. There they were sold as slaves for
life, with not less than 170 other prisoners, to the clothworkers,
although at first it had been proposed to send them to the Phillipine
islands, "They were used with more severity than negroes, and when any
of them happened to die, the naked corpse was dragged through the
streets of the city, then cut in pieces and thrown in the field Alborado
to the dogs and fowls of the air."[527]

They humbly prayed that their case might be represented to the King for
relief and their petition was transmitted to London.

Ships seldom came from or sailed to England during the winter and Morgan
was still acting as governor, when his next official letters were
written on the 8th of March.

    "Since the execution of the three pirates by the King's orders,"
    he informed the Secretary of State, "the whole party which for
    the last two years has molested the Spaniards in the South Seas
    is, by the help of a Spanish pilot, come about to the Windward
    Islands. Sixteen of them are gone for England with their leader,
    Bartholemew Sharp; the rest are at Antigua and the neighbouring
    Islands, except four that have come here. One has surrendered to
    me, the other three I have with much difficulty discovered and
    apprehended. They have since been found guilty and condemned. He
    that surrendered is like to obtain the favour of the Crown as
    an informer. One of the condemned is proved a bloody and
    notorious villain, and fit to make an example of; the other two
    are represented to me by the judges to be fit objects for mercy,
    so I shall proceed no further in their case till the King's
    further orders. I am heartily glad of the opinion of the Court.
    I abhor bloodshed and I am greatly dissatisfied that in my short
    Government I have been so often compelled to punish criminals
    with death. The passage of this people is extraordinarily
    remarkable, for in little more than four months they came from
    Coquimbo in Peru, in five degrees south latitude, to Barbados in
    thirteen north.

    "Our logwoodmen have lately had eight of their vessels taken
    from them and their people carried away prisoners. Their usage
    appears by the enclosed petition. I learn that in Havana,
    Merida, and Mexico many English are prisoners; and the Spanish
    pilot who brought the pirates (who is here) told me that Sir
    John Narborow's lieutenant and nine or ten others are at Lima in
    Peru. They are all great objects of compassion, so I hope you
    will not be unmindful of them.

    "I cannot send the muster rolls of the militia by this
    opportunity as I had hoped for, they are not brought in as I had
    ordered, but I make use of Captain Charles Swan to carry you our
    body of new laws. I hope from my heart that they will please the
    King. Sure I am that neither the Council nor myself left
    anything undone that might conduce to the observance of the
    King's instructions. I was unwilling at first to pass the
    Revenue Bill, though I had gained the main point of getting the
    revenue settled for seven years, because I found in it
    limitations that seemed to encroach on the Royal prerogative,
    and distrust of the justice of Governors. The enactment of their
    own authority, that an Assembly should be held annually for at
    least ten days, the determination of the expenditure of a
    thousand pounds a year on fortifications, and the tacking of the
    laws to the Revenue Bill are instances. We contested these
    points in vain. I afterwards examined the Council apart on their
    oaths as to what they would advise me to do herein. They said
    that, as I had carried the revenue, it would be hard to let the
    country be without laws for what might after all, not be
    displeasing, since the King, if he pleases, may still reject
    these laws. If I have done wrong, it is not from any want of
    care or diligence to obey the King's instructions. If I have
    mistaken his meaning I must crave excuse. But I entreat if any
    amendment be made to these laws, it may be done with great
    caution, for it was only with much interest, time, and expense,
    that I obtained what I did, and if these laws be rejected it
    will be hard to get the like again.

    "About a month ago one Capt. Peter Pain, commander of a ship
    hired from the French King, called _La Trompeuse_, at five
    hundred francs a month, came in here from Cayenne, where he
    heard of the severe persecution of the Protestants at home. He
    requested that he might have the same favour from me as those of
    his opinion have in England, as he designed to live and settle
    among us to avoid the inconveniences of those of his profession
    at home. I called the Council, and on consideration admitted him
    to settle here on his taking the oath of allegiance, which he
    immediately did. He has taken out letters of naturalization
    since. We warned him that we would not be concerned with his
    ship, which he must send back according to contract to its port.
    I do not know if I have done right herein. Sure I am that both I
    and the Council wished to follow the dictates of humanity as
    well as those of law and reason. The local Act justified our
    action, and we had a good precedent for it in England. If I have
    done amiss I hope my good intent will excuse me; if the French
    Captain has wronged any one (which I am not aware of) his estate
    is here to make it good.

    "In December I received orders to disband the two foot companies
    in pay. Though there was reference to former orders these were
    the first that came to my hands. I have obeyed the instructions
    therein."[528]

His messenger, Charles Swan, had commanded a ship in his fleet in the
expedition against Panama, and was afterwards destined to attain
considerable notoriety as a successful corsair in the South Seas.

On the same day, Morgan addressed a semi-official letter to Sir Leoline
Jenkins, complaining, apparently on good grounds, of unjust treatment.

    "Knowing your goodness and willingness to help me," he said, "I
    presume to acquaint you that I have had very hard usage shown to
    me, for, after all the care and trouble I have undergone and the
    expense I have been put in for the support of the Government, I
    find that my salary is taken off in England. Moreover, the
    money of the _Vyner_, a ship condemned here, has been applied to
    the payment and discharge of the two companies, whereas hitherto
    upon such condemnation one-third has always been allowed the
    Governor. Further, my pay as Captain of one of the companies has
    been taken away from December, 1680, to the middle of December
    last, when they were disbanded. I was blamed for not having
    disbanded them before, but I never received any orders until
    then, and they were no sooner delivered to me than they were
    obeyed and the _Vyner's_ money paid. So that notwithstanding all
    helps are taken from me, the whole charge of the Government lies
    on me. I need not press further a matter which is apparent to
    you, but I beg that, when anything offers, I may receive some
    compensation.

    "P.S. The bearer hereof, Major Ralph Featherston, was lieutenant
    of my company, and can give you a good account of it. I have
    desired him to move for the residue of our pay, and beg you to
    help him thereto."[529]

An extract of a letter from Morgan to the Lords of Trade, respecting the
respite of the pirates mentioned in his letter to Jenkins, was read at a
meeting of the Privy Council on June 17, in which he reported that he
had "apprehended ffour of those Pirates, who had for these Two years
grievously molested the Spaniards in the South Seas, and committed great
Depredations and Enormitys in plundering some of their Townes, and
taking about Thirty-five of their Vessels. And that upon their Tryalls,
Three were condemned, One whereof appeared to be a cruell and bloody
man, who deserves to be made an Example but the other Two are
represented by the Judges as fit Objects of Mercy, and the ffourth being
the Informer is like to obteyne the favour of the Court, And therefore
desiring his Majesty's Pleasure about them."

An order was then made for the execution of "the said Pirate, who
appears to have so justly deserved it, and to cause the other Three to
be kept in Prison till further Order."[530]

[Footnote 464: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1424, Morgan to Lords of Trade, Port Royal, 5th July, 1680.]

[Footnote 465: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1425, Morgan to Sunderland, Port Royal, 5th July, 1680.]

[Footnote 466: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1462, Morgan to Sunderland, Port Royal, 26th July, 1680.]

[Footnote 467: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1576, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, Port Royal, 5th November,
1680.]

[Footnote 468: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1595, Morgan to Lords of Trade, Port Royal, 12th November, 1680.]

[Footnote 469: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1586, Morgan to Sunderland, Port Royal, 12th November, 1680.]

[Footnote 470: Now called Turneffe, east of Belize.]

[Footnote 471: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1624, Deposition of Robert Oxo, sworn, 30th December, 1680.]

[Footnote 472: Dampier, _Voyages to the Bay of Campeachy_, edition of
1729, pp. 53-4.]

[Footnote 473: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 121.]

[Footnote 474: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 120.]

[Footnote 475: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
14, Morgan to Lords of Trade, Port Royal, 27th January, 1681.]

[Footnote 476: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 121.]

[Footnote 477: _London Magazine_, 1754, p. 134.]

[Footnote 478: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
15, Morgan to Sunderland, 27th January, 1681.]

[Footnote 479: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Addenda No. 2080, Representation of Sir H. Morgan, undated, 1682.]

[Footnote 480: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1612, Memorandum to Sir Henry Morgan for his guidance in passing the
bills transmitted to him by the King, 1st December, 1680.]

[Footnote 481: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
16, Morgan to Sunderland, Port Royal, 1st February, 1681.]

[Footnote 482: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
17, Morgan to Lords of Trade, Port Royal, 1st February, 1681.]

[Footnote 483: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Morgan to Lords of Trade, 16th March, 1681.]

[Footnote 484: Feurtado, _Official and other personages of Jamaica, from
1655 to 1790, passim_.]

[Footnote 485: Gardner, _History of Jamaica_, II, p. 155.]

[Footnote 486: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
73, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 9th April, 1681.]

[Footnote 487: Belt, _Naturalist in Nicaragua_, Dent's reprint, p. 186.]

[Footnote 488: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
65, Carlisle to Jenkins, 18th April, 1681.]

[Footnote 489: _Acts of the Privy Council_, 10th September, 1680.]

[Footnote 490: Bryan Edwards, _History of the West Indies_; Gardner,
_History of Jamaica_, p. 63.]

[Footnote 491: Bryan Edwards, _History of the West Indies_; Gardner,
_History of Jamaica_, p. 63.]

[Footnote 492: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 122; N. D. Davis, _Cavaliers and Roundheads of Barbados_, p. 16, _et
seq._]

[Footnote 493: _Acts of the Privy Council_, 3rd December, 1680, and 5th,
12th, and 19th January, 1681.]

[Footnote 494: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
77, Whitehall, 15th April, 1681.]

[Footnote 495: _Laws of Jamaica_, 1681, No. 8.]

[Footnote 496: _Calendar of State Papers_, No. 102, Minutes of the
Council of Jamaica, 12th May, 1681.]

[Footnote 497: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
115, Morgan to Lords of Trade, St. Jago, 18th May, 1681.]

[Footnote 498: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
116, No. 116, i, and No. 116, ii, 18th May, 1681.]

[Footnote 499: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
117, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, St. Jago, 18th May, 1681.]

[Footnote 500: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
118, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 20th May, 1681.]

[Footnote 501: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
137, Morgan to Lords of Trade, St. Jago, 13th June, 1681.]

[Footnote 502: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
138, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 13th June, 1681.]

[Footnote 503: Narcissus Luttrell, _A Brief Historical Relation of State
Affairs_, Vol. I, p. 77; Gardner, _History of Jamaica_, p. 66.]

[Footnote 504: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
144, _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 36, 16th June, 1681.]

[Footnote 505: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
158, Morgan to Lords of Trade, St. Jago, 2nd July, 1681.]

[Footnote 506: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
pp. 124-142.]

[Footnote 507: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
159, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 2nd July, 1681.]

[Footnote 508: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
172, Morgan to Lords of Trade, St. Jago, 14th July, 1681.]

[Footnote 509: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
173, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 14th July, 1681.]

[Footnote 510: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
176, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 16th July, 1681.]

[Footnote 511: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
208, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 22nd August, 1681.]

[Footnote 512: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
245, Powell to Lords of Trade, St. Jago, 4th October, 1681.]

[Footnote 513: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
246, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 4th October, 1681.]

[Footnote 514: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
192, _Acts of Privy Council_, No. 42, 28th July, 1681.]

[Footnote 515: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
197, _Acts of Privy Council_, Windsor, 6th August, 1681.]

[Footnote 516: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 53, 14th October, 1681.]

[Footnote 517: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 53, 14th October, 1681.]

[Footnote 518: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
285, Morgan to Lords of Trade, St. Jago, 6th November, 1681.]

[Footnote 519: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
286, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 6th November, 1681.]

[Footnote 520: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 122.]

[Footnote 521: Southey, _Chronological History of the West Indies_, II,
p. 123.]

[Footnote 522: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
253, Brisbane to Jenkins, 8th October, 1681.]

[Footnote 523: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
330, Journal of the Lords of Trade, 17th December, 1681.]

[Footnote 524: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
333, Sir T. Lynch to John Cooke, Plymouth, 20th December, 1681.]

[Footnote 525: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
366, Petition of Capt. Peter Paine; _ibid._, No. 364, Minutes of the
Council of Jamaica, St. Jago, 17th January, 1682.]

[Footnote 526: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
367, The Council of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade, St. Jago, 17th
January, 1682.]

[Footnote 527: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
385, Petition sworn before me, Henry Morgan, St. Jago, 13th January,
1682.]

[Footnote 528: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
431, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 8th March, 1682.]

[Footnote 529: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
454, Morgan to Jenkins, St. Jago, 8th March, 1682.]

[Footnote 530: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 77, 17th June, 1682.]




  CHAPTER XI

  DISCORD AND POLITICAL ECLIPSE


Lynch's departure from England had been considerably delayed, and he did
not sail from Plymouth until late in January, 1682. His voyage in the
frigate _Sweepstakes_ was so much prolonged by unfavourable weather that
he did not arrive at Port Royal until May 14. He was distressed and
dispirited by the death of his wife and two sons during the passage, and
was suffering from the effects of a serious illness when he landed.

The town of Port Royal was still very prosperous, although its situation
had little to commend it beyond its proximity to an excellent harbour,
as it was remarked that neither earth, wood, nor fresh water could be
found upon the point on which it was built. The soil was merely loose
sand lodged upon a shelf of coral rock gradually increased by the action
of the waves. In 1672 the town was reported to contain eight hundred
well-built houses, most of which were rented at as high rates as if they
had been situated in the heart of London. The number of buildings had
since been doubled, and the population had increased to about three
thousand persons, of all ages and conditions. Many of the larger shops
and warehouses were built of imported brick or stone and were several
stories in height. They extended to the very edge of the harbour over a
loose bank of sand. The fortifications and better class of dwellings
were built on the rocky portion of the peninsula, then and now known as
the "Palisadoes". The inhabitants, besides a due proportion of sailors,
tradesmen, fishermen, and negro slaves, were described as merchants,
warehousekeepers, vintners, and retailers of punch. The latter were
numerous, as they found a ready sale for their drink among the
logwood-traders, privateers, and other seamen who came to the port.
Every article imported or exported was unloaded or shipped at its
wharves and they were usually a busy place.[531]

The lawyer, Francis Hanson, gave an attractive account of the appearance
of the town as known to him in 1682.

    "The Town of Port Royal, being as it were, the Store House or
    Treasury of the West Indies, is always like a continual Mart or
    Fair, where all sorts of choice Merchandizes are daily imported,
    not only to furnish the Island, but vast quantities are thence
    again transported to supply the Spaniards, Indians, and other
    Nations, who in exchange return us bars and cakes of Gold,
    wedges and pigs of Silver, Pistoles and Pieces of Eight, and
    several other Coyne of both Mettles, with store of wrought
    Plate, Jewels, rich Pearl Necklaces, and of Pearl unsorted and
    undrill'd several Bushels; besides which we are furnished with
    the purest and most fine sorts of Dust Gold from Guiney by the
    Negroe Ships, who first come to Jamaica to deliver their Blacks,
    and there usually refit and stay to reload three or four Months;
    in which time (though the Companies' Gold may be partly sent
    home) yet the Merchants, Masters of Ships, and almost every
    Mariner (having private Cargoes) take occasion to sell or
    exchange great quantities; some of which our Goldsmiths there
    work up, who being yet but few grow very wealthy, for almost
    every House hath a rich Cupboard of Plate, which they carelessly
    expose, scarce shutting their doors in the night, being in no
    apprehension of Thieves for want of receivers as aforesaid. And
    whereas most other Plantations ever did and do now keep their
    accounts in Sugar or the proper Commodities of the place, for
    want of Money, it is otherwise in Jamaica, for in Port Royal
    there is more plenty of running Cash (proportionately to the
    number of its inhabitants) than is in London."[532]

On the day of his arrival the new governor assumed office at once by
taking the usual oaths in the presence of members of the Council, and an
order was passed for the continuance of all officials in their
positions. Morgan announced his surrender of the offices which he had
held for nearly two years in a letter to the Secretary of State, with
an expression of good humour, which seemed rather forced.

    "I received by the hand of Sir Thomas Lynch the King's order of
    7th Sept. last for my dismission from the commands of
    Lieutenant-Governor and Lieutenant-General of Jamaica. I embrace
    them all with submission and obedience, but (though I speak it
    not from ambition of being continued, but from zeal for the
    King's service) I heartily hope the posts of Lieutenant and
    Major-General may prove as useless as they are represented to
    be. Sure I am that they have not appeared to be so hitherto, but
    whatever success the new direction of affairs here may have, my
    life and fortunes are always at the King's service."[533]

From time to time he had acquired considerable tracts of land already
partly under cultivation, in addition to those obtained directly by
patent from the crown, probably with the intention of managing them
himself. His first purchase was made from Edward Hunt and Ursula his
wife, who on the 22nd of June, 1680, sold Morgan three hundred acres in
the parish of St. Mary, bounded on the north and west by the Negro river
for the sum of seventy pounds. On the 9th of October following Morgan
bought from Roger Elletson and his wife Anne, seven parcels of land
adjoining his former purchase, containing by estimation six hundred and
ninety acres, for which he paid 600. Then on the 6th May, 1681, he
bought from Colonel Thomas Ballard two hundred acres, being part of an
estate still known as Ballard's Valley, lying immediately southward of
the land already acquired by him and eastward of the estate of Captain
Andrew Langley. These purchases formed a compact and fertile estate of
nearly twelve hundred acres, lying between two small streams and
extending to the sea-coast at the charming and secure little harbour of
Port Maria, including Cabaritta island, to which in fond memory of his
birthplace in Wales, he gave the name of Llanrumney.[534] There he built
a "great house", as a residence, which like many others near that coast,
being exposed to raids by pirates or privateers, and perhaps to
insurrections of slaves, was situated on a commanding knoll and prepared
for defence by thick loopholed stone walls and bullet-proof shutters.

On October 7th, 1681, Morgan bought one hundred and twenty acres in the
new parish of St. George, not far from Annotto Bay, from William
Tompkins and Mary his wife, for the nominal consideration of five
shillings, and a few days later entered into a contract with them for
the cultivation and management of that property. On the 7th December
following Roger Elletson and his wife sold him three small parcels of
land in the same parish, containing altogether 212 acres, and a parcel
of land in the parish of Port Royal, acreage not stated.[535] To the
estate in the parish of St. George thus acquired Morgan gave the name of
Penkarne, in remembrance of a farmstead in the parish of Bresilog in
Monmouthshire, near Tredegar, pleasantly known to him in his childhood.
The name thus bestowed on it has not survived, but the stream flowing
through it is still called the Penkar river.

On the 6th March, 1682, Thomas South sold Morgan twenty acres of land
for fifty pounds, no parish being named in the deed. On the 6th of
August in the same year, John Archer sold him 510 acres in the parish of
St. Mary, "near the Spanish Crawle". On the 10th of the same month,
James and Margery Barkley of the parish of Vere conveyed to him a plot
of land situated on Yorke and Tower Streets in the town of Port Royal.
On the 5th of October, 1683, Edmund Thomas of the parish of St. Ann,
sold Morgan fifty-eight acres in the parish of St. Mary for the sum of
45 current money.[536] Lastly, on the 19th of December, 1682, Morgan
purchased from Captain Peter Heywood of Heywood Hall, a near neighbour
to him at Llanrumney, " part of & in the good sloop called _New Port_
of the burthen or portage of 15 Tunns, now in the Harbour of Port Royal
& the  part in the mast, sayles, sailyards, anchors, cables, ropes,
cords, guns, gunpowder, ammunition, shot & other instrument artillery,
long boat, Cock boats, Canoa, tackle, apparel, furniture, & other things
whatsoever to the said ship belonging", for the sum of 30.[537] It may
be reasonably surmised that this sloop was then employed by Heywood and
his partners in conveying supplies from Port Royal on the south side of
the island to the "new port" on the north side, near their plantations,
which had received the name of Port Maria, as roads across it did not
exist. Since his return from England until relieved from some of his
official posts, Morgan's time had been so fully occupied with public
affairs that he could not have given much attention to the cultivation
of his extensive estates.

Sir Thomas Lynch's first letters after his assumption of the office of
governor seldom refer to his predecessor. Morgan and several other
members of the former council had been re-appointed in the royal
instructions, and at the second meeting of the new council, Morgan was
named as chairman of a special committee to make a general survey and
report on the condition of the fortifications.[538] The aggressions of
the privateers and logwood-cutters were still the subject of frequent
and violent complaints from the Spaniards and gave the governor and his
advisers much perplexity, as his instructions were explicitly pacific.

Within a month Lynch described his difficult situation in a letter to
the Lords of Trade.

    "While I was at the Point Capt. Coxon, one of our famous
    privateers, brought me the enclosed commission, which I forward
    as a thing of the greatest import. It is against the treaty of
    Madrid, and I am sure will cause a new sally of these rogues,
    whom any commission will serve. This extraordinary
    Captain-General Clarke was, I am told, one of Cromwell's
    officers. I know not whether he has a commission from Carolina
    or no. This 'New Providence' and 'Theory' are the Bahama Islands
    that lie to the north of Cuba. They are barren and good for
    little, frequented only by a few straggling people who receive
    such as come to dive for silver in a galleon wrecked on that
    coast. . . . On the 27th we had a Council and I ordered Capt.
    [Charles] Morgan to send me an account of the arms and stores
    which is here enclosed. I also ordered Sir Henry Morgan and
    others to take workmen, inspect the forts, and make agreements
    for their repair."[539]

[Illustration: Llanrumney Hills    _See p. 346_]

[Illustration: Llanrumney River    _See p. 346_]

The report then made by the committee showed that the forts built for
the defence of Port Royal were armed with 116 guns.[540]

The commission issued by Robert Clarke, governor and captain-general of
the Bahama Islands, to John Coxon, authorizing him to capture Spanish
ships in retaliation for depredations committed by Spanish raiders from
Cuba and Florida upon the English settlements on those islands, was read
at a meeting of the Lords of Trade and an order was made for the
"Proprietors" to appear before them a week later to answer for the
conduct of the governor.

The petition of Peter Pain with Morgan's pass for the delivery of his
ship to an agent of the King of France, were also read and an order made
for sending a copy to the Commissioners of Customs.[541]

Not content with merely reporting Governor Clarke's declaration of a war
of reprisals against the Spaniards, Lynch sharply rebuked him by letter.
The flourishing contraband trade being conducted with the Spanish
colonies, he contended, would give safe and profitable employment to all
the privateers who were disposed to engage in it.

    "We have much money and a great quantity of hides, cacao, &c.,
    imported by our trading sloops", he wrote. "We have about twenty
    of these, from fifteen to forty-five tons; they are built here,
    admirable sailers, well armed and treble-manned, some carrying
    twenty or thirty hands, who receive forty shillings a month.
    They carry from here some few negroes and dry goods of all
    sorts, and sell them in the islands and all along the coast of
    the Main in bays, creeks, and remote places, and sometimes even
    where there are Governors, as St. Jago, St. Domingo, &c., for
    they are bold where they are poor. But at Carthagena,
    Portobello, Havana, &c., the Spaniards admit no one. This trade
    were admirable were we not undersold by the great Dutch ships
    that haunt the coast of the Main and Islands, and were we not
    fearful of pirates, which is the reason why the ships are so
    strongly manned. These and other expenses and hazards carry away
    much of the profit. This trade employs all the privateers that
    are come in, and would bring in the rest had I your Lordships'
    order to connive at it. I beg you therefore to give it me if you
    think it reasonable.

    "I have had dreadful apprehensions of Governor Clarke's
    letters-of-marque, so on my arrival sent you the commission he
    gave Coxon, who came in and lived honestly under Lord Carlisle's
    or Sir Henry Morgan's Act of Oblivion. This Governor has since
    sent me the clause in the Lords Proprietors' patent which he
    thinks justifies his illegal commissions. I send you not only
    his letter, commission, and the clause, but my answer which may
    possibly be too aigre or imperious, considering him as an
    independent Governor and preacher, but I hope it will stop him
    granting these commissions which might ruin us before you could
    give any orders thereon. Besides, these Bahama Islands were once
    under this Government and must return to the King's or they will
    remain nests of robbers. Since I wrote him, his most
    considerable subject, a Quaker, tells me that the first outrage
    was done by his order and by his subjects on a Spanish barque
    that came to fish for silver at the wreck. They still continue
    at it and often get ten or twelve pound weight of silver a man,
    mostly by the ingenuity of a Bermudian, who has a tub that he
    puts perpendicularly into the sea so that it does not fill, but
    he can put his head into it when he wants breath, by which means
    he stays three-quarters of an hour under water. I have forbidden
    our cutting logwood in the Bay of Campeachy and Honduras, your
    Lordships having justly declared that the country being the
    Spaniards' we ought not to cut the wood. There is not the least
    pretence or reason for it. It is now become a greater drug than
    fustic and is almost all carried to Hamburgh, New England,
    Holland, &c., which injures us and the customs and trade of the
    nation. I have, therefore, sent to order the men up and will
    permit no more vessels to go that I can hinder. We have lost
    abundance of men, and suppose two or three hundred of them to be
    now in Yucatan and Nueva Espana. I have had a lamentable
    petition from some of them, and a young fellow the other day
    gave me the narrative that I now send. I gave him no favourable
    answer, for I could not seem to encourage unlawful acts, and I
    think what is done against the Spaniards is to our own
    prejudice. However, I think that the men should not be made
    slaves and that the capitulation at Trist ought to be kept. When
    I have a frigate or some other ship and the season is fitting, I
    think of sending to Vera Cruz; but the simple and short way is
    for our ambassador at Madrid to procure an order for their
    delivery and send me an authentic copy, or they will pretend
    they can do nothing without an order from Spain.

    "Among abundance of irregular patents lately passed I send a
    copy of one that grants to Mr. Powell, the Deputy Secretary, and
    to two idle surveyors, all mines that chance to be discovered
    for twenty years for no consideration but a tenth. Lord Carlisle
    had an instruction to lease the mines, which made Sir Henry
    think he might do this."[542]

The capitulation of Trist, to which Lynch referred, was a written
convention or treaty made between Don Philip de Varrera Villago, Alcalde
of Campeche, and Captain Robert Bockenham, Walter Streight, and other
Englishmen, in behalf of their countrymen residing on the island, Jica
Lanoga Apatan, by which the latter were guaranteed in case of their
surrender a safe conduct to Jamaica or the Cayman islands. This had been
signed on the island of Terminos on the 20th of May, 1680, and a
complaint was made that the Spaniards had violated its terms by keeping
many of these men in a state of slavery. A remonstrance was again
addressed to the Court of Spain protesting against the "lamentable
spoils and oppressions done to His Majesty's subjects in the West
Indies", and demanding redress.[543]

Although a man convicted of piracy had lately been hung in chains on the
gallows at Port Royal, the harbour was at times virtually blockaded by
others sailing under the French flag. The Minutes of a meeting of the
Council held on the third of October record an order "that in
consequence of privateers being off the Island the ships in Port Royal
do not sail till Monday next."[544]

Three weeks later the governor informed the members that he had been
forced by the urgent necessity of suppressing these privateers to order
Captain Charles Morgan to supply an officer with certain military
stores. At the same meeting Sir Henry Morgan presented for payment an
account for 33.8.8, being arrears of his salary. An objection was made
that he had in his hands money due the Crown, which had been taken from
the pirates from the South Seas, but he accounted for this by the
production of a sworn receipt.

Lynch's next letter was written in a very doleful mood.

    "It was a mistake," he said, "to allow this villain (Captain
    Peter Pain of _La Trompeuse_) product here. The traders have
    lost twelve or fifteen thousand pounds by it. . . . The Indies,
    in fact, are full of desperate rogues. The worst are those who
    run from the ships that come from England. Recently I sent
    Captain John Coxon and two other vessels to the Bay of Honduras
    to bring away our logwood-cutters. So far from doing so he was
    in danger of losing his ship and his life. His men plotted to
    take the ship and go privateering, but he valiantly resisted,
    killed one or two with his own hand, forced eleven overboard,
    and brought three here, who were condemned last Friday. I shall
    order one or two to be hanged as an example to others and
    encouragement to him. I am hiring him to convoy a Spaniard to
    Havana. The want of a frigate here has made pirates to increase
    in number and impudence. I am much troubled and the island in
    great danger."[545]

He complained bitterly of the conduct of M. de Pouancy, a nephew of
d'Ogeron, who had succeeded him as governor of Hispaniola, for issuing
commissions to privateers and making unjust captures of English ships,
naming in particular one that had merely entered the harbour of Petit
Goaves to deliver a letter. "Also", he added, "of those many Piracys the
French commit dayly to the total ruine and interruption of the English
Trade, having taken Eight or Ten of Our Vessells and barbarously used
our Seamen."[546]

In accordance with the act lately passed, the Assembly met on September
21 for a session of ten days. After apologizing for the "disorders of
his head", which prevented him from addressing its members at much
length, Lynch urged harmony and moderation in their debates,

    "having made these laws, that we hope will be a Magna Charta to
    us and our Children, as well as a Boundary to me and all future
    Governours. And if there be anything to be added or retrenched
    to make them pass at home, we judge it's fit you do it; that you
    who have the charge and trouble of raising this great Structure,
    should have the thanks and glory of finishing it.

    "I know you are too wise to enter into Disputes about Niceties,"
    he continued, "and do consider that as the King and his
    Ministers intend we shall have all those just Liberties and
    Freedoms that belong to Englishmen and good subjects, so our
    reflecting on things that are not pertinent, or reviving those
    detestable names of Caballers, Prerogative and Property-men, may
    give them offence, and that will make us uneasie, as it will be
    troublesome now, so it may be ruinous hereafter; for common
    Sense tells us, We should not kick against the Prickes; and the
    wise man, That it's madness to contend with those that are too
    mighty; And indeed the Contest must be fatal, where it is so
    unequal as to have Power and Right too on the same side.

    "Though I cannot, Gentlemen, speak anything directly from our
    Lords about the Laws, yet I shall take the liberty to say this
    from myself, that if it's of the utmost import our Laws pass, it
    may be fit for you to consider now whether they will or no; and
    if you judge they will not, then resolve of removing the
    Obstructions. This conjuncture is favourable, and may give more
    encouragement than may be expected next year, when I shall be
    foreclosed all Concessions by positive Orders and the Laws
    determination.

    "Pray, Gentlemen, consider how much better it is to go
    voluntarily a step or two back, than run the hazard of being
    driven, God knows how far. I shall explain myself if you enter
    into a debate of this matter; if not, it must lie at your door;
    for it's another opportunity of establishing the Peace and Laws
    of this great and prosperous Colony."[547]

After referring to the recent appointment of an Auditor-General, whose
particular duty would be to see that no part of the revenue was
misapplied, and assuring them that he knew of no designs to injure or
invade their just Liberties, "and that he had no other instructions than
to do right and govern according to the laws of England and this
Colony", he ended his speech with a solemn admonition.

    "Believe me, therefore, Gentlemen, should our Sins, Caprice, or
    Follies make us miss that Port that now frankly offers itself,
    and launch into the deep of needless Jealousies and Disputes,
    it's to be feared we may find it a wide Sea of Confusion, where
    we shall not escape Shipwreck without a Miracle; the
    apprehension of which so discomposes me that I cannot say more
    than God have mercy on us and direct you."[548]

The Assembly accepted his advice with good nature and acted upon it.
They separated the revenue bill from the other acts and declared their
willingness to submit all of them to the King's discretion. The House
was then prorogued for six months on October 4, when the governor
effusively assured the members that "the disorders of my head and the
misfortunes of my voyage are something alleviated by the joy I have to
see this Session happily and suddenly ended." He then referred briefly
to former "Fears and Jealousies."

    "We that were of the old Army," he said, "thankfully remember
    the Donative that his Majesty gave us; All of us know that he
    has constantly sent us Supplies in our need, Ships to defend us
    in our danger; when we could not he paid our Ministers & gave
    Salaries to our Governours; this and much more his Majesty hath
    done for us, and to make this Care, this Munificence like
    himself, perfectly gracious, perfectly obliging. It was done for
    us here in those times, his Majesty was under the greatest
    Pressure and Want at Home.

    "You, Gentlemen, have dutifully and gratefully acknowledged this
    by separating your Laws from his Revenue, and by that frank,
    hearty, and humble submission you make of all to his Majesties
    Justice and Grace, I am sure you'll find the advantage of it and
    there's no other method of transacting with Princes: for there
    is no parity betwixt us and them, they cannot be bound, they
    must therefore be trusted. And this confidence (were it lawful
    to make the Comparison) I durst say must necessarily have the
    same effect on the King, as our Faith has on God, if we believe,
    he will do us good."[549]

He took care to have his speeches and the address of the Assembly
printed for circulation, but before the proceedings of the session could
be reported to the Secretary of State, the acts passed in the preceding
session were reviewed by the Lords of Trade, who stated their opinion
that the act of revenue should be disallowed and the governor instructed
to call another Assembly to whom he should submit the act sent to Sir
Henry Morgan, and at the same time announce that the King would not
allow any other acts to be tacked to it.

    "The Assembly is to be informed", they said, "that the King will
    suffer no obligation to be imposed on him in Jamaica or any
    other colony, that he desires the Revenue Act to be passed from
    consideration of the Colony's security only; that if they refuse
    to pass a Revenue Act, the Assembly is to be warned that laws of
    England impower the King to levy tonnage and poundage. . . .
    Finally the Assembly is to be told that if they pass the Revenue
    Act as the King orders, the King will confirm for the same term
    the laws sent to them and such other laws as they shall
    pass."[550]

Meanwhile the _Norwich_ frigate had been wrecked, partly, it was
asserted, because the captain had taken merchandise on board contrary to
his instructions, and a warrant was sent by the Privy Council for his
arrest. In response to Lynch's urgent applications for naval assistance
in the suppression of piracy, the _Falcon_ was sent to replace her.

After the dissolution of the English parliament in 1680, Narcissus
Luttrell had noted in his diary that the people were divided into two
furious factions, one of which "cried up" what it called "the true
protestant religion", deriding its opponents as "tories, tantivies, and
high-flown Churchmen", and being derided by them as "whigs, fanatics,
covenanters, and bromigham protestants."

Lynch's next letter showed that this party warfare had spread to Jamaica
and began to give him anxiety.

    "The people seem as satisfied and are as quiet," he wrote to the
    newly appointed Auditor-General, a few days after the arrival of
    the _Falcon_, "as though under the perfectest peace abroad and
    the greatest success at home, though our losses and troubles
    through pirates are intolerable. We have lost divers vessels on
    the coast of Cuba and in the South Cays, some in the Bay of
    Honduras, others on the coast of the Main, and by _La Trompeuse_
    off Hispaniola about sixteen or eighteen ships, so that at a
    moderate reckoning our losses, the Royal Company's, and the
    English merchants' come to forty or fifty thousand pounds. This
    falls heavily on a young Colony with a young trade, and the
    misfortune is aggravated by the great numbers of people
    maintained by trade in this Island. We are fed by provisions
    from New England, New York, and Ireland, and have fishermen at
    the South Cays; all these routes were interrupted and dangerous.
    The people would have been in an ill ferment if I had not done
    all that I could, and the frigate had not so seasonably made her
    appearance.

    "There is no revenue nor hope of any, for little comes in;
    hardly two pipes of wine since my arrival, and not a farthing of
    fines or escheats in Sir H. Morgan's time. It is useless to sue
    the debtors for they have three years' time allowed them for
    payment. The quit-rents come in as slowly. . . .

    "That you may see that I have business with the godly too, you
    must know that about a month ago at the Sessions one [Roger]
    Elletson, a lawyer, after the justices were seated but before
    the charge, desired leave to speak. Then in a studied harangue
    he pressed the justices to enforce the laws against dissenters.
    Everyone was much surprised, and Colonel Molesworth answered
    that it was forbidden both by our local laws and by the King's
    repeated instructions. The Council and I, thinking Elletson's
    conduct malicious, summoned him by warrant before us. He was
    asked whether the King could dispense with those laws. He would
    not answer. He was then asked whether he was not aware of the
    King's instructions to that effect, why he had not raised the
    question in Sir Henry Morgan's time, when he was
    Attorney-General, and whether the dissenters had done anything
    to forfeit the King's grace. To this he answered No, and to the
    rest nothing, declaring himself a Protestant, but that he had
    never taken the sacrament. Elletson is an ill man; he was driven
    here by his crimes and necessities, and was the occasion of all
    the hard, inconvenient, and illegal grants passed by Sir Henry
    Morgan, for which he is cursed, and was told so before Sir
    Henry's face in the Council. Knowing how much mischief he had
    done and advised, he took out a pardon before I arrived, which
    no officer ever did before. Moreover, though he would now be
    thought episcopal, he was a fanatic. When the Assembly rose, he
    asked one of them how he could answer to the country for his
    trusting the Court. The Council, putting all these things
    together, and judging that his last action was done from private
    malice and revenge, ordered him to be bound over to good
    behaviour, and an information laid against him at the Grand
    Court. He has since given in his submission, so I suppose we
    shall pardon him."[551]

This incident was the beginning of a long and rancorous controversy with
Elletson, who was a resolute and probably unscrupulous lawyer of
considerable ability, in which Morgan and several of his most intimate
friends became gradually involved and led to the formation of their
self-styled "loyal party". Little is recorded of its development except
from Lynch's undoubtedly prejudiced letters.

Forty-two French Protestants, recommended by the Bishop of London, were
given a free passage to Jamaica, bringing letters of introduction to the
governor, instructing him to receive them with kindness as they wished
to settle and become planters in the island. They were given land. Some
of them prospered and became wealthy. One of these new settlers was
several times elected a member of the Assembly.[552]

In the course of the following summer, the justices of the peace,
churchwardens, vestrymen, and other inhabitants of Port Royal associated
themselves in a petition praying for relief from a monopoly of market
fees.

    "Though Port Royal is but sand and salt water," they said, "yet
    the convenience of the port makes it very great and populous.
    Most of the poor of the island are brought thither in sloops;
    the inhabitants are charged with guards, with the building of a
    church, of fortifications which cost 3,000 a year, have
    suffered heavy losses by pirates, amounting in one year to
    fifteen thousand pounds, and have spent a thousand pounds in
    fitting out vessels to put down these pirates. Your Excellency,
    to support this heavy expense, appointed a market to the Parish,
    and gave the clerk's place to the churchwardens for the use of
    the parish, which worked well for six years. But in Lord
    Carlisle's time came a patent giving to John Byndloss, then and
    now living in London, the clerkship of all markets and fairs and
    many other offices in the Island, contrary to the express orders
    of the Lords of the Council."[553]

This petition was addressed to the governor, as the patentee had lately
appointed a deputy, giving him instructions to collect fees. It then was
learned that three years earlier a bill authorizing this grant had been
laid before the committee of the Privy Council for approval. The
objection was raised that a plurality of offices was granted to one
person, that the said offices were granted to him for life, and that it
was not in the public interest that such offices should be exercised by
deputies as was proposed by the instructions to Lord Carlisle,
particularly as they were informed that the island had been divided into
parishes, each of which had a _custos rotulorum_, who usually nominated
the clerk of the peace for his parish. The committee had advised the
King that the grant should not take effect, "since it could not be but
very prejudicial to his Royal Service", and the Lord Privy Seal was
directed that the bill should not pass.[554]

Lynch's complaints of the depredations committed by French privateers on
English ships received the careful attention of the Lords of Trade, who
advised that strong remonstrances should be made, not only to the French
ambassador in London, but through the English ambassador in Paris, that
"such Proceedings were not only destructive to Trade but contrary to the
Treatys between the Two Crownes", desiring reparations and that "the
Power of Commissions given to these Privateers may be limited. And that
in case the French Governor shall continue to grant Commissions of this
nature, Order may be sent to make him distinguish between the English
and the Spaniards."[555]

Lynch was instructed to furnish a list of the vessels that had been
plundered, and the names of the persons who had robbed them. He was
empowered "to seize in the best manner you can such vessells and
Privateers as have injured Our Subjects, or shall disturb their Lawfull
Trade."[556]

An order was made requiring all former governors of Jamaica to make a
statement of money received by them, which had not been expended on the
forts as stated in the address of the Assembly, "so that any
Imbezellments thereof, if there are any, may be found out and brought to
a just Account."[557]

When the Assembly met again, the governor gave them satisfactory
assurances on several important subjects and congratulated them
cheerfully upon the return of prosperity.

    "See," he declared in his speech at the beginning of the
    session, "Heaven seems well pleased as well as the King; for if
    the last year it appeared brass, this, it melts into showers to
    rain blessings upon us; for who has ever seen Port Royal so full
    of ships, or known the planters sell their goods so dear? Within
    these fifteen months every man's freehold is almost risen in
    value from 50 to 200 per cent."[558]

Relying upon the promise made in the King's letter to confirm their acts
already passed or to be passed for an equal period, a revenue bill for a
term of twenty-one years was adopted by the Assembly without much
opposition.

Until this time Morgan's influence had been weighty if not supreme in
the Council, and scarcely less powerful in the Assembly. But in a
disagreeable manner he was unable to conceal his disappointment at
Lynch's success. The revenue act was passed by the Assembly on September
5. Two days later a message was sent by the Assembly to the Council
requesting the appointment of a committee to confer with them on the
manner of enacting laws. Sir Henry Morgan and Colonels Ballard and
Molesworth were appointed for that purpose. The Assembly then sent a
second message asking that the committee from the Council should consist
of five members. Sir Charles Modyford and John White were added in
compliance but Morgan was nominated as chairman.[559]

An open breach with the governor soon occurred, but its cause is
obscure. The first intimation of a serious disagreement is found in a
letter from Lynch to the Lords of Trade, written soon after, reporting
an inquiry into the cause of the death of a seaman, who had been hurt in
a scuffle by Captain Churchill of the _Falcon_.

    "Capt. Wild desired that the captain might be stopped till the
    matter was tried. By chance Sir Henry Morgan was with me. I told
    him to go down, and, commanding the regiment and forts, I bade
    him do what was reasonable and legal. He went away with Wild,
    and, God is my record, had no other orders by word, letter, or
    message from me. The inquest was held at seven yesterday
    morning, and the jury was seven hours before it agreed on its
    verdict, which was that the deceased died of fever and natural
    death. I enclose the depositions. As soon as the inquest was
    over, the foreman (one of the three famous Forths of London) and
    three others came to me to complain that Sir Henry Morgan was
    in the house; that Capt. Musgrave was there, as he said, by my
    order; that the evidence was transposed and the depositions not
    fairly taken, and that fifteen were sworn and three afterwards
    discharged. I answered that it was not my habit to meddle with
    the ordinary course of justice; if they had returned their
    verdict they ought not to complain; they should have made their
    complaint at the opening of the inquest, now it was too late;
    that I did not know why Sir Henry Morgan might not be below
    stairs while they were above, for he neither said nor did
    anything, nor had Musgrave any order from me to say a word to
    them. He was there with the Attorney-General to advise the
    coroner on points of law, and I concluded if the coroner had
    erred about, he had erred by their advice, and they knew he was
    not a man of skill in the law."[560]

Some weeks later a serious disturbance occurred in the night at Port
Royal, in which Charles Morgan, the commandant, and an officer named
Penhallow, who was captain of the guard, actually came to blows in the
street. Next day a complaint was made to Sir Henry Morgan, as custos of
the parish, who took evidence and ordered Captain Penhallow to give
sureties to keep the peace.[561] The governor's discontent and anger
with Morgan and his friends had been steadily growing, and he took this
opportunity to intervene. At his request an investigation into the cause
of the riot was ordered by the Council, and the Chief Justice gave his
opinion that Penhallow might be relieved from the recognizances required
from him. The depositions taken by Morgan were read with others
contradicting them, and the Council decided that there was not
sufficient ground for his proceedings.

At a meeting of the Council only two days later the governor propounded
the question: "Whether the passions and irregularities of Sir Henry
Morgan do not disqualify him from continuing in his offices under the
Government?" Next day he charged Morgan definitely "with disorders,
passions, and miscarriages at Port Royal on various occasions and for
countenancing certain men in disloyalty to him." Sir Henry replied
respectfully that he hoped he should not be accused of the faults of
others. The question was put whether he should be continued in any
employment, and decided in the negative. Sir Francis Watson and Colonel
Ballard proposed that Morgan should be retained as a member of the
Council and be deprived of all other offices. They disputed the
governor's statement that Morgan had cursed the Assembly, which was then
supported by an affidavit from a woman, who asserted that she recognized
his voice as he passed the door of her tavern in the dark, swearing at
the Assembly. Watson and Ballard then proposed Morgan's "demission, that
with all regret he be laid aside." Morgan announced that he would appear
before the Council for a hearing next day. At that meeting besides Lynch
and Morgan, eight other members were present. A very full entry of the
proceedings was made in the Minutes.

    "The General acquainted Sir Henry Morgan that he and the
    Council, having considered the late disorders, passions, and
    miscarriages at Port Royal, were of opinion that they happened
    chiefly by his means in countenancing the people that then were
    concerned therein to disturb the peace; and that he had on all
    occasions showed dislike and uneasiness under his government,
    and encouraged Elletson that formerly gave trouble to the
    Council and government; countenanced Cradock, Will. Archbould,
    &c. that ridiculed and acted him; that Scarlett and his brother
    Archbould opposed the King's interests and made parties against
    the Revenue Bill out of despite to His Excellency, and that five
    or six particular little people under his umbrage opposed and
    affronted the government, so that the Assembly thought it
    necessary to make an address to the General and Council to look
    out and defend the Government and place, and the General
    likewise told him of all that was sworn, which proved that he
    bound over as rioters Captain Penhallow, &c. that were sober and
    endeavoured to keep the peace, and not Captain Morgan, &c. that
    seemed to be the aggressors, and at the same time to them and to
    Captain Churchill before that, declared that it was a design to
    kill him; swearing that as they would not kill the King because
    the Duke was not there, so they would not kill Morgan because
    Churchill was not there, and occasioning a dissension of Whigs
    and Tories;[562] his cursing the Assembly and frequent
    reflections in his debauches on the General to the extreme
    hazard of the government and disturbance of the people,
    especially at the Point. The General likewise declared to the
    Council that Sir Henry had told him of a malicious design that
    some people had to fall on Captain Morgan and murder him to
    prevent his being major in Bache's place; and Sir Fr. Watson
    declared that he had said some such thing to him, but nothing
    like it being now found or made to appear, it was with other
    extravagances objected to by Sir Henry.

    "To all which Sir Henry only replied he hoped he should not be
    charged with others' faults; he had often chid them and never
    intended to offend the General, and withdrawing.

    "The Governor putting the question whether it was consistent
    with the King's Service and the peace and safety of the island,
    that Sir Henry Morgan should be continued in any employment, the
    members were of opinion that he should be put out of all
    commands, except Sir Francis Watson and Colonel Ballard, who
    thought he should be continued in the Council but put out of all
    other commands.

    "It was accordingly ordered that Sir Henry Morgan be removed
    from all his offices and commands and suspended the Council."

This was supplemented by a second Minute, probably by command of the
governor.

    "The General repeated divers extravagant expressions of Sir
    Henry Morgan in his wine, among the rest how he cursed the
    Assembly. Sir Francis Watson and Colonel Ballard said it was not
    so, on which the Council ordered Major Bache to be sent for,
    [who said] Mrs. Wollin told him so, so she being sent for and
    sworn, declared that Sir Henry Morgan going by her door one
    night, with some others she did not know, she heard Sir Henry
    Morgan swear 'God damn the Assembly.'"[563]

This inquisition into the conduct of Morgan's relatives and friends was
carried on with unrelenting rigour from day to day. His brother-in-law,
Robert Byndloss, was next dismissed from the Council, his office as
chief justice, and all other public positions. Charles Morgan, another
brother-in-law, was summoned before the Council, affidavits charging him
with misconduct were read, and the governor announced that he had
already been dismissed from his appointment as aide-major for "violating
the guards, beating the captain and other irregularities." Captain
Morgan then replied that he could not answer for the faults of others.
The Council unanimously voted him guilty, his commission as captain of
the forts was revoked, and Peter Beckford was appointed in his
place.[564]

Roger Elletson was next charged with "malicious disturbances of the
magistrates at sessions, and with consorting with lewd fellows", and
other offences, to which he made no answer. The Council ordered his
suspension from practice as a lawyer in the courts of the island, and
ordered him to furnish sureties for his future good behaviour by his
bond for 1,000 and two others in 500 each. These were provided on the
same day.[565]

Lynch concluded his speech proroguing the Assembly in a note of triumph.

    "I thank you," he said, "not only for your prudence as
    legislators, but for your loyalty in supporting me to seclude
    from the Government the turbulent, uneasy, and insolent. You
    have acted dutifully in passing the Revenue for twenty-one years
    in spite of the opposition of a troublesome faction."[566]

He excused his severity to Morgan and his friends in a long letter to
the Lords of Trade.

    "On October 19 the Assembly adjourned to the 15 January, having
    amended all the laws formerly sent home in accordance with your
    directions, and made some few new ones, which having no relation
    to the royal prerogative, will, I suppose, be readily passed.
    The Revenue is now for twenty-one years. One of the arguments
    used to induce them to pass it was that you had promised that
    these and the laws already passed should be confirmed for the
    same period, which I beg and trust they may be. I am the more
    concerned that this should pass, because that little, drunken,
    silly party of Sir Henry Morgan's opposed it. They tried to
    raise broils about several Acts, and about the negroes Act
    whispered that I had been bribed to favour the Royal African
    Company. These things and their disorders at the Point have
    given me more trouble than I ever had in my life. . . .

    "I give you a brief account of the reasons that have induced me
    (at the request of the Assembly and the advice of the Council)
    to remove Sir Henry Morgan, Col. Byndloss, and Capt. Morgan from
    all commands and employments. (1) I well remember that your
    Lordships ordered Sir Henry Morgan to be put out of the Council,
    saying he was no more fit to be a Councillor than Lieut.-Govr.,
    but afterwards (I must beg pardon for it) I desired you to put
    him in that we might all unite to fix the Revenue and serve the
    King. (2) Instead of uniting with me I found him little civil to
    me, mightily elated by hopes of my death, and of governing in my
    stead. In his debauches which go on every day and night, he is
    much magnified and I criticized by the five or six little
    sycophants that share them. (3) His particular creatures are one
    Cradock, Elletson, and others who have broken the peace and
    affronted the government. He has always endeavoured to
    countenance and justify them within the Council and without. (4)
    All the troubles and disorders at the Point since I came have
    been caused by Capt. Morgan, but Sir Henry has always protected
    him without respect to law, truth, or justice, and more than
    once forced me to go thither. (5) Sir Henry and Capt. Morgan
    have set up a special club, frequented only by five or six more,
    where, (especially when the members are drunk), the dissenters
    are cursed and damned. The whole country was provoked by their
    taking the name of the Loyal Club, and people began to take
    notice that it looked as if he hoped to be thought the head of
    the Tories; consequently I must be of the Whigs. (6) The people,
    however, as well as myself, resented this, and as the club was
    carried on by a mere five or six that had neither sense, money,
    nor sobriety, it began to die, and the actors themselves grew
    afraid and ashamed of their parts. Then came the unlucky
    incident of the _Falcon_ (and death of Wm. Flood) of which I
    have written to you, when the jury was inclined to find the
    death of Wild's mate to be murder. One Coward, a dissenter,
    being forward in this, as Mingham, the prosecutor, also was,
    provoked Capt. Churchill to curse and rail at the dissenters on
    the Point. This suited Sir Henry Morgan and the club, who took
    Churchill's part against the jury and made him one of the
    company. They had this great opportunity to inflame and
    misinform him. (7) Churchill told me in my chamber (when I was
    sick) that Capt. Penhallow and several creditable and sober
    merchants designed to murder him on the day of thanksgiving for
    the King's deliverance,[567] that he prepared for it, and
    therefore escaped by retiring to his ship, and that they had
    hired the rabble and arranged that they should attack him when
    such and such a song was sung. This he affirmed publicly in my
    hall before several members of the Assembly, adding that they
    would murder him because his name was Churchill and his family
    depended on the Duke [of York], and that the Point was worse
    than Algiers. He afterwards came into the Council owning this,
    and saying that Sir Henry Morgan had told him so. And Sir Henry
    seemed to assent to it. (8) Moreover at this time Sir Henry led
    me from the hall into the parlour, and told me there was a
    design to attack Capt. Morgan and murder him, for fear I should
    make him major when Bache went off. Sir Francis [Watson] owned
    in Council that he said it to him, but Sir Henry afterwards
    seemed to deny it, being unable to give any proof of it. (9)
    Capt. Morgan and his accomplices having almost murdered Capt.
    Penhallow, who was sober and helping to defend him and keep the
    peace, Sir Henry thereupon imprisons Penhallow, and binds him
    and the rest over for the sessions. In rage and extravagant
    words he swore, to everyone's astonishment, that they intended
    to kill Churchill, and did not kill Morgan because Churchill was
    not there, just as the fanatics would not kill the King because
    the Duke of York was not there. (10) In his drink Sir Henry
    reflects on the Government, swears, damns, and curses most
    extravagantly. He did so to the Assembly as appears by
    affidavits in Col. Beeston's hands. Had you full knowledge of
    his behaviour while Lieut.-Govr., of his excesses, passions, and
    incapacity, you would marvel rather how he ever came to be
    employed, than why he is now turned out. If he and his brothers
    (in law) had been less criminal I could not have acted
    otherwise, for the people are offended at being called
    duke-killing rogues, and such as would murder all that belong to
    the Duke. As God is my record, I have never heard that his name
    was mentioned but with reverence, or that anyone refused to
    drink his health even when he was in exile. The Minutes of
    Council will show you the cause of Col. Byndloss's suspension. I
    will only add that he is one of the worst men I know. When I was
    Governor before and he a Councillor, he took a pirate's false
    oath against me privately and sent it home by Lord Vaughan's
    secretary. I would not live if my credit came into the scale
    with such a man.

    "I beg that if you approve of the suspension of the Morgans, you
    will _send orders to that purpose_, otherwise there will be
    troubles in case I should die. These men are of great violence
    and no sense. I should have been kind to Charles Morgan for many
    reasons, and particularly on account of Mr. Secretary's
    recommendation, but he is so haughty, passionate, and given to
    drink, that it is impossible either to serve him or to use him.
    He was the author of all the troubles at the Point, for some of
    which I was forced to deprive him of his commission as
    Aide-Major. He has almost killed divers serjeants by beating
    them, though they are not in pay; a woman has sworn that he
    killed her husband; officers at the Point will swear that no
    serjeant or soldier would go to the castle for fear of him; it
    is sworn that he never came to the castle till noon or later,
    and then so drunk and inflamed that he beat serjeants and
    soldiers immeasurably for no fault; he and his accomplices were
    the aggressors in the brawl at the Point and almost killed
    Penhallow, for which they are now bound over to good behaviour
    and to the Grand Court. Martin, the Receiver-General, complained
    to me the other day that Morgan had come to his office for money
    and endeavoured to strike him for no other reason except his own
    passion. No token of his malice seemed to me so great as his
    putting on new and light colours at the news of my wife's death,
    when everyone else wore black. Yet she was his kinswoman and had
    done him service. But I rake no further into filth and people's
    crimes, for I feel confident that you will support my action. In
    former letters I have declared to you the necessity of taking
    all prospect of the Government out of Sir Henry Morgan's sight,
    and that if the Duke of York's power were retrenched as Lord
    High Admiral it would embroil the Government."[568]

Ever since Lynch's arrival he had been in ill health and extremely
irritable, and he suspected that in the event of his death Sir Henry
Morgan might again become administrator as senior member of the Council.
To prevent this he had strongly recommended the appointment of Colonel
Hender Molesworth as Deputy or Lieutenant-Governor, although that office
had been so recently declared by the Lords of Trade to be unnecessary
and abolished. His recommendation was eventually approved, not a little
to his surprise, probably through the potent influence of the Royal
African Company, of which Molesworth was the chief resident factor.

Morgan's friends and supporters were not altogether idle or silent.
Henry Archbold, his brother-in-law, a very wealthy and influential
planter, made a deposition vindicating him from the charge of having
cursed the Assembly, and flatly contradicting the evidence of Major
Samuel Bache. Roger Elletson, late Attorney-General, made another sworn
statement respecting the riot at Port Royal, denying that he had
disturbed the peace with Morgan's encouragement, and denouncing the
injustice of such an accusation.[569]

Armed with these and other similar documents, Charles Morgan sailed from
Port Royal on the first ship destined for England in 1684. His departure
was announced by the governor with an expression of relief, not
unmingled with anxiety and uncertainty as to the outcome of his mission,
as he bore with him a petition to the King from Sir Henry Morgan,
Byndloss, Elletson, and himself, appealing against their dismissal from
office, and they were believed to have powerful friends in England.

    "Thus are our quarrels ceased, Charles Morgan being gone," he
    wrote, "though he did his utmost to ruin his drinking friends
    and raise a riot at the Point, for on the night of his departure
    he and his friends violated the guards and traduced the
    officers. He, Sir Henry, and their party, a day or two before
    the _Falcon_ sailed, secretly signed an attestation for Mr.
    Langworth, the parson of Port Royal, an ill man, who has drunk
    with them, to the scandal of his functions and the offence of
    his parish. We have discovered also that the day before Charles
    Morgan sailed he exposed a factious address to be signed at Port
    Royal. Sir Henry has offered to swear that no one signed it, but
    we suspect that Charles Morgan and Sir Francis Watson were to
    sign it for the rest. I think that after the loyal addresses of
    the Council and Assembly, the King and your Lordships will pay
    little attention to their secret and factious addresses. I do
    not doubt that in such cases as this you will distinguish
    between the loyal and the disloyal. If by this address or
    otherwise Morgan's party charge the Government with encouraging
    dissenters, it is a most false and malicious accusation, for the
    dissenters enjoy no more grace and toleration than is granted
    them by the King on their good behaviour. There is not a
    dissenter in any civil employment nor in the Assembly, except
    two, who have taken the oath of allegiance and supremacy. There
    are also three or four of them officers in the militia, who
    would be gladly excused the trouble and expense. They have never
    disserved the King nor opposed the Government before I came nor
    since, and not one of them has spoken or written to me about
    their religion, nor prayed my favour, nor thanked me. They have
    left themselves entirely to the King's grace and I have thought
    ourselves obliged to do them right. The abuse and persecution of
    them has only arisen since Charles Morgan was dismissed from his
    post of Aide-Major. . . .

    "I must thank you very sincerely for Col. Hender Molesworth's
    commission, for it is certain that Sir Henry Morgan's hope of
    governing as first Councillor has buoyed up his little senseless
    party, and occasioned our late troubles. This you have now
    obviated, and I am exceedingly obliged to you for accepting my
    recommendation."[570]

A petition and address from the Council and Assembly, which was
described as being "full of expressions of duty and loyalty to him and
his successors", was presented to the King in January by Sir Charles
Lyttelton and other chief planters.[571]

When Charles Morgan arrived in London he found that he had been
forestalled by letters from the governor. The Lords of Trade had
received and acted on Lynch's letter of November 2 by recommending that
the suspension of Sir Henry Morgan and Chief Justice Byndloss from the
Council of Jamaica, which entailed their deprivation of all other public
offices, and the dismissal of Captain Morgan, should be approved. An
order in Council confirming this recommendation had been passed in
February.

Three weeks later Charles Morgan's petition was read in Privy Council,
accompanied by a statement that after coming to England he had learned
that Sir Thomas Lynch had greatly misrepresented the conduct of all the
petitioners, and praying permission to restate their case. This was
referred to the Lords of Trade, who on May 13 made an order for a
hearing a week later and that Captain Morgan should be supplied with
copies of papers relating to the subject. Counsel on both sides appeared
before the Lords on May 21, but as important papers were then reported
to be missing, the hearing was adjourned. On June 11 Morgan presented a
second petition, stating that he had by accident missed the opportunity
of being heard on June 5, and asking for another appointment. This
request was granted and a week afterwards his complaints were finally
heard, Lynch being represented by Sir Charles Lyttelton and Colonel
William Beeston, and Charles Morgan with counsel appearing for the
petitioners. The laws, documents, and depositions relating to the appeal
were read and the evidence of Sir Francis Watson was taken. But the
Lords announced that they saw no reason to reverse their former
decision. On June 27 their report to that effect was read at the Privy
Council and an order made confirming it.[572]

Early in June the order of the Privy Council approving the suspension of
Sir Henry Morgan and Chief Justice Byndloss and the commission
appointing Colonel Molesworth as Lieutenant-Governor were read at a
meeting of the Council of Jamaica. At a subsequent meeting the governor
directed the attention of the members to the petition presented to the
King, and Colonel Byndloss was called in and asked whether he had
delivered it. He refused to answer and the record stated "behaved very
disrespectfully". Roger Elletson was then asked the same question but
"demurred to it".[573]

When the Assembly met again the governor assured the members that the
King and his Ministers were as kind as "guardian angels", having
confirmed all the laws they had enacted except two. He was then a very
sick man and after some months of suffering died on August 24. He was
buried in the cathedral church of Spanish Town, and this couplet was
inscribed on a memorial tablet.

  "Here lyes Sir Thomas Lynch in Peace, at Ease, and Blest.
  Would you know more, the World will speak ye Rest."

Sir Henry Morgan had retired to Llanrumney on the north side of the
island, where he busied himself with the improvement of that
considerable estate. The parish of St. Mary was a well wooded, well
watered forest district, with comparatively few inhabitants. The soil
was deep and fertile, and the lowlands were being rapidly brought under
cultivation by several enterprising proprietors. A small settlement of
fishermen and sailors had been formed near the small harbour which
retained its Spanish name of Port Maria. There Morgan had congenial
neighbours within a few miles' ride in Colonel Thomas Ballard of
Ballard's Valley, Captain Peter Heywood of Heywood Hall, and Captain
Andrew Langley of Prospect. They were pioneers in settlement and all
"gentlemen of great convivial talents". Their names are still attached
to the estates they once possessed, and some remains of their
stoutly-built, loopholed houses and spacious barbacues for drying
pimento berries may still be seen.

The demand for slave labour had greatly increased with the extension of
the cultivation of sugar cane. Within the last year 3,400 negroes had
been brought to Jamaica by eleven ships of the Royal African Company and
found a ready sale. A rough bridle-path following the valley of the Rio
Cobre and one of its tributaries had been extended through the hills to
Port Maria and by degrees was converted into a passable cart-track, but
travel by this route was difficult and dangerous. Most of the traffic
was consequently conducted for many years by coastal navigation.

Colonel Molesworth took the oaths of office as administrator on the day
after Lynch's death.[574] He very soon received instructions to sue
Morgan for the recovery of prize-money he had been accused of illegally
retaining, but speedily discovered sufficient cause for delay.

    "I wrote to Sir H. Morgan of the order I had to sue him for the
    _Vyner's_ and privateers' money", he reported. "He asked me to
    wait till he came to town in February, when, if he could not
    satisfy me, he would go to trial. I consented the more readily
    since I find the privateers' money entered in the Council Book
    and passed by Sir T. Lynch for the salary allowed him from the
    date of Sir T. Lynch's embarkation to his arrival. For this and
    for other reasons he may cast us if we sue him."[575]

In the beginning of February, 1685, he formally informed the Council
that he had received further confirmation of the suspension of Sir Henry
Morgan from being a member.[576]

[Footnote 531: Long, _History of Jamaica_, II, pp. 139-141.]

[Footnote 532: _Laws of Jamaica_, appendix, first edition.]

[Footnote 533: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
551, Morgan to Jenkins, 12th June, 1682.]

[Footnote 534: Record Office, Spanish Town, _Liber 11_, f. 84, 157;
_Liber 12_, f. 74.]

[Footnote 535: Record Office, Spanish Town, _Liber 12_, f. 141; _Liber
13_, f. 16.]

[Footnote 536: Record Office, Spanish Town, _Liber 13_, ff. 80, 160;
_Liber 14_, f. 86; _Liber 15_, f. 182.]

[Footnote 537: Record Office, Spanish Town, _Liber_ 15, f. 11.]

[Footnote 538: C. E. Long, "Memoir of Sir Henry Morgan" in the
_Gentleman's Magazine_ for February and March, 1832.]

[Footnote 539: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
552, Lynch to Lords of Trade, 12th June, 1682.]

[Footnote 540: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
655.]

[Footnote 541: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
660, Journal of the Lords of Trade, 24th August, 1682.]

[Footnote 542: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
668, Lynch to Lords of Trade, 29th August, 1682.]

[Footnote 543: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 121, 23rd June, 1683.]

[Footnote 544: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
733, 3rd October, 1682.]

[Footnote 545: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
769, Lynch to Jenkins, 6th November, 1682.]

[Footnote 546: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 109, 14th February,
1683. It is stated that Lynch built at his own expense a galley to be
rowed with fifty-four oars for "the pursuit of his old friends the
pirates", _London Magazine_, 1759, Vol. XXVII, p. 134.]

[Footnote 547: Narrative of Affairs lately received from his Majesties
Island of Jamaica, London, Randal Taylor, 1683, pp. 1-3.]

[Footnote 548: Narrative of Affairs lately received from his Majesties
Island of Jamaica, London, Randal Taylor, 1683, pp. 1-3.]

[Footnote 549: Narrative of Affairs lately received from his Majesties
Island of Jamaica, London, Randal Taylor, 1683, pp. 5-6.]

[Footnote 550: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
771, Journal of the Lords of Trade, 8th November, 1682.]

[Footnote 551: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
963, Lynch to Wm. Blathwayt, 22nd February, 1683.]

[Footnote 552: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 106, 19th January,
1683.]

[Footnote 553: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1176, 5th August, 1683.]

[Footnote 554: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 1325, 12th December,
1679.]

[Footnote 555: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 109, 14th February,
1683.]

[Footnote 556: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 111, 23rd February,
1683.]

[Footnote 557: _Acts of the Privy Council_, No. 114, 2nd March, 1683.]

[Footnote 558: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1239.]

[Footnote 559: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1243, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 7th September, 1683.]

[Footnote 560: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1249, Lynch to Lords of Trade, 12th September, 1683.]

[Footnote 561: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1294, Depositions concerning the riot at the Point on the night of
October 2, 1683.]

[Footnote 562: An allusion to evidence given at the recent trial of the
Rye House conspirators.]

[Footnote 563: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1392, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 12th October, 1683; Cundall,
_Memoir of Sir Henry Morgan_.]

[Footnote 564: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1311, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 16th October, 1683.]

[Footnote 565: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Minutes of Council, 17th October, 1683.]

[Footnote 566: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_,
Speech on adjourning the Assembly, 19th October, 1683.]

[Footnote 567: From the Rye House plot.]

[Footnote 568: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1348, Lynch to Lords of Trade, 2nd November, 1683.]

[Footnote 569: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, Nos.
1592, 1593, 11th January, 1684.]

[Footnote 570: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1563, Lynch to Lords of Trade, 22nd February, 1684.]

[Footnote 571: _Journal of Narcissus Luttrell_, Vol. I, p. 246.]

[Footnote 572: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1657, 2nd May, 1684; No. 1658, Petition of Charles Morgan; No. 1678, May
13; No. 1696, May 21; No. 1740, June 11; No. 1753, June 18; No. 1777,
June 27.]

[Footnote 573: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1715, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica; No. 1779, Minutes of Council,
28th June, 1684.]

[Footnote 574: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1684, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 25th August, 1684.]

[Footnote 575: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1938, Molesworth to Blathwayt, 15th November, 1684.]

[Footnote 576: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
2066, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 2nd February, 1685.]




  CHAPTER XII

  THE HISTORY OF THE BUCCANIERS AND MORGAN'S SUITS FOR LIBEL


In the year 1678, as its imprint states, Jan ten Hoorn, a bookseller in
Amsterdam, had published a small quarto volume, entitled _De
Americaenshe Zee-Roovers_, containing only 186 pages, divided into three
parts, of which the third described the capture and burning of the city
of Panama. It purported to be written by Alexandre Olivier Exquemelin,
who had been compelled by want to take an unwilling part in the
expedition. It is now almost certainly established that the real author
was Hendrik Barentzoon Smeeks, a surgeon-apothecary, living at Zwolle in
the province of Overysel, who was an industrious and talented writer of
pseudo-historical works. He was born in that small town in 1643 or 1645
and educated in an asylum for orphans. Entering the service of the Dutch
East India Company in 1657, he sailed in the same year to Batavia, and
was subsequently employed as a cabin-boy on the _Wakende Boei_, sent in
search of the _Gulden Draak_, which had been wrecked on the west coast
of Australia. With the mate and twelve seamen he was driven ashore in a
gale, but they succeeded in returning to Java in an open boat. His
adventures at this time furnished him with materials for his romance
entitled _Krinki Kesmes_, which was published in 1715 and is supposed to
have inspired Daniel Defoe in writing _Robinson Crusoe_, printed four
years later. Smeeks became an apprentice to a barber-surgeon and
returned to Holland in 1665. Next year he entered the service of the
French West India Company, which was dissolved soon after his arrival at
Tortuga, when he was forced to become an indentured servant of a French
buccaneer, by whom he was brutally treated. He was redeemed by a
physician, who gave him further instruction but compelled him to repay
his ransom. He may have participated in Morgan's expedition in one of
the French ships, but returned to the Netherlands in 1672. Two years
later he served as a surgeon in the fleet commanded by Admiral Cornelius
van Tromp in the war with England. In 1678 he made a voyage to Smyrna in
a ship owned by the Levant Company. He was municipal apothecary at
Zwolle from 1680 until his death in 1721.[577]

His book on the American sea-rovers met with immediate success. It was
eagerly read and a German translation was published at Nuremberg next
year. It was reprinted in an expanded form by ten Hoorn in 1682. In 1681
a translation into Spanish, said to have been made by Doctor Alonso de
Buena-Maison, a physician practising medicine in Amsterdam, was
published at Cologne, and two other editions of this translation, each
considerably larger than its predecessor, were published at the same
place in the following year. The map, plates, and portraits in the
original Dutch volume, one of the latter being of "Johan Morgan", said
to have been drawn from life, were reproduced in the first Spanish
edition. A comparison of this version with the Dutch publication of 1682
shows that on the whole the Dutch text is faithfully rendered, but the
translator has occasionally interpolated comments to sooth ruffled
national pride and has quoted an original report of the recapture of Old
Providence by an officer of the Spanish engineer service.

Some time in 1684, two London booksellers, William Crooke and Thomas
Malthus, simultaneously offered for sale English versions of the Spanish
translation, which soon came to Morgan's attention in Jamaica. The title
of the first of these publications was:

    _Bucaniers [of America]; Or, a true [Account] of the [Most
    remarkable Assaults] Committed of late years upon the Coasts of
    [The West Indies], By the Bucaniers of Jamaica and Tortuga,
    [Both English and French]. [Wherein are contained more
    especially], The Unparallel'd Exploits of Sir Henry Morgan, our
    En-[glish] Jamaican Hero, Who sack'd Puerto Velo, burnt Panama,
    &c. [Written] originally in Dutch by John Esquemeling one of
    the Bucaniers, who was present at those Tragedies; and thence
    translated into Spanish by Alonso de Bonne-Maison, Doctor of
    Physick, and Practitioner at Amsterdam. [Now faithfully rendred
    into English]. London: [Printed for William Crooke, at the Green
    Dragon, without Templebar, 1684._]

The maps and illustrations were roughly reproduced from the Dutch
plates.

The title of the Spanish translation was: _Piratas [de la America] y luz
a la defensa de las costas de [Indias Occidentales]_ and it contained a
translation of the preface in the Dutch original, and an eulogy in rhyme
of the translator and author, which certainly did not err on the side of
restraint.

  "De Agamemnon canto la vida Homero
  y Virgilio de Eneas lo piadoso
  Camoes de Gama el curso presuroso
  Gongora el brio de Colon velero

  "Tu, O Alonso, mas docto y verdadero,
  Descrives del America ingenioso
  Lo que assalta el Pirato codiciosa:
  Lo que defiend el Espanol guerrero.
  Lo que hallaste en bosquexo perfecciona
  tu calamo erudita y eleganto
  lumbre de Apollo, encanto de Licona.
  Dos prodigios descubre el mar de Atlante
  uno en Autor, que artes eslabona:
  otro en ti, porque yo tus glorias cante."

The preface referred to the troublesome activities of "the English of
Jamaica, under the command of the intrepid and valiant John Morgan, who
would have gained greater honour for his skilful management and daring,
if his tyrannical cruelty to the conquered had not blotted out all the
splendour of his glory."[578]

The preface and complimentary sonnet, with much of the interpolated
text, were omitted by the anonymous English translator, whose work was
otherwise accurate and virile.

The volume published by Thomas Malthus purported to be a translation
directly from the Dutch and had the following title:

    "_The [History of the Bucaniers]: Being an [Impartial Relation]
    of all the battles, sieges and other most [Eminent Assaults
    committed by the pirates of] Jamaica and Tortuga. [Both English,
    & other Nations]. More especially the Unparallel'd
    At[chievements of Sir H. M. Made English from the Dutch Copy:
    Written by Esquemeling, one of the Bucaniers.] London. Printed
    for Tho. Malthus at the Sun in the Poultry."_

As he was not only described as a buccaneer and a pirate, and at one
time an indentured servant, but accused of extremely cruel, dishonest,
and vicious conduct, Morgan felt that he could not afford to allow these
publications to circulate unchallenged. Actions for libel were begun by
John Greene, Morgan's solicitor, in the Court of King's Bench at
Westminster, against both Crooke and Malthus, suing in each case for ten
thousand pounds damages. The information laid against Malthus stated:

    "That the Morgan family had always held due and natural
    allegiance to the King, were both by sea and land of good fame,
    and against all evil deeds, piracies, &c., had the greatest
    abhorrence and disgust, and that in the West Indies there are
    such thieves and pirates called bucaniers, who subsist by
    piracy, depredation, and evil deeds of all kinds without lawful
    authority, that of these people Henry Morgan always had and
    still has hatred, but notwithstanding this, Thomas Malthus, not
    unacquainted with these facts, has cunningly contrived to injure
    Henry Morgan's good name and fame, by printing, spreading, and
    publishing a certain false, malicious, and famous libel entitled
    _A History of the Bucaniers_."[579]

The information against Crooke was nearly identical.

Both suits were set down for trial at the Easter term in 1685, but were
settled by consent. The result of the action against Crooke was thus
reported in the London _Gazette_ of the 8th June, 1685.

    "Westminster, June 1. There hath been lately Printed and
    Published two Books, one by Will. Crook the other by Tho.
    Malthus, both entitled _The History of the Bucaniers_; both
    which Books contained many False, Scandalous and Malicious
    Reflections on the Life and Actions of Sir Henry Morgan of
    Jamaica, Kt. The said Sir Henry Morgan hath by Judgment had in
    the King's-Bench-Court, recovered against Libel 200 Damages.
    And on the humble Request and Solicitation of William Crook,
    hath been pleased to withdraw his Action against the said Crook,
    and accept of his Submission and Acknowledgement in Print."[580]

In the suit against Malthus judgment was likewise entered for two
hundred pounds damages and twenty shillings costs. Both publishers
printed their apologies in the form of prefaces to new editions of their
books and altered their titles. Crooke's statement was very full and
explicit.

    "_The History of the Bucaniers_ of America, having been written
    in the Dutch Language by John Esquemeling and afterwards
    translated into Spanish by Alonso de Bonne-Maison, Doctor of
    Physick, was lately done into English, and thereupon immediately
    printed, as appearing then unto me to be only a general history
    of Actions performed by several Persons, in several times and
    likewise in several Places. Now so it is that amongst divers
    other Actions rehearsed are also contained the unparallel'd
    Exploits of that Valiant and Heroick Gentleman, Sir Henry
    Morgan, upon which no reflection was then made. But since the
    publication of the said History, (which was done by me in a
    trading way and with no other design), I have been credibly
    informed by certain gentlemen, who belong to the acquaintance of
    Sir Henry, that several things are therein delivered, the which
    are both falsely reported by John Esquemeling, and wrongly
    represented; and consequently are much redounding to the
    Disreputation and Dishonour of that worthy Person, Sir Henry
    Morgan. For the Wounds of whose Reputation by that Author, I
    have been, ever since my better information, both heartily
    sorrowful and concerned in the sincerity of my mind; and in
    testimony thereof, have thought convenient by these lines,
    humbly to solicit and desire the pardon of that noble and
    generous Spirit for as much as by me hath been contributed
    thereunto by printing the English Translation.

    "The Sincerity of the whole case was this: That the truth of the
    particulars contained in the History of John Esquemeling were
    not at the publishing thereof, neither could they possibly by me
    be known, as being totally unacquainted with those Affairs, or
    with the Person or Merits of Sir Henry Morgan. Yea, tho' I made
    divers Enquiries thereunto, I could not be so happy as to learn
    whether that worthy Person were as yet among the living or not,
    as I conceive I may be able to convince him, both by sufficient
    and indubitable witnesses. Hereupon the Book was by me taken as
    a general History, which has already been seen in several
    Languages abroad, and, for as much as a great part contained the
    Heroic Actions of our English Nation, it was accordingly printed
    by a strict Translation from the Spanish. But whatever points in
    the said History, either do misrepresent the Heroic Actions of
    that worthy Gentleman, or do in any way reflect upon his Honour,
    I do hereby declare, and sincerely in the presence of God
    Almighty, protest that I never had in mind the least intention
    or design, either of reflecting upon, or aspersing of him, or
    any Person whatsoever in that History. And as aforesaid, I am
    both heartily sorry and not a little perplex'd that Sir Henry
    Morgan should receive any, the least offence at that, which was
    not in the least by me intended in the said English Translation.

    "The Integrity of my intention and the whole truth of my
    Proceedings being thus declared; Yet notwithstanding for the
    greater satisfaction of the Publick and to evince more clearly
    the Sincerity thereof, I do hereby again and again, humbly beg
    the Pardon of Sir Henry, if anything I have done, by publishing
    that Book, hath given any just occasion of offence to Him, or
    been the least cause of diminishing the Splendour and Worth of
    his Deserts. Yea, to be a little more free in this
    Acknowledgement, I do hereby own my unadvisedness in giving
    belief to a Spanish Translation (but at that time there was no
    Licence appointed for the review of Books) in a matter that so
    nearly concerned that Nation; and wherein Justice could not be
    done unto Sir Henry in the Relation without reflecting on the
    Courage or Conduct of the Spaniards in those Parts; For which
    unadvisedness, I do once more pray his Pardon; and shall confess
    it an act of high Generosity and Goodness in him to accept of
    this my Acknowledgement instead of putting me into the trouble
    of a verdict at Common Law; altho' nothing was ever more remote
    from my thoughts, as the designing or intending him, the said
    Sir Henry Morgan, the least Prejudice or Scandal.

    "From hence to do all the Justice and Equity I possibly can unto
    the merits of Sir Henry, according to what I have heretofore so
    spontaneously promised in the Preface unto the second Volume of
    the _History of the Bucaniers_, I shall now proceed to correct
    such Passages of the History, as according to the notice I have
    received of Faults. The which Passages for the better Credit
    thereof, I do acknowledge to have obtained from some worthy
    Persons, his Friends, who were Witnesses, as I have learned,
    unto the whole Transactions there related, and from whom I got
    this information, and how to correct them as follows.

    "Page 32. Here the Author, John Esquemeling, hath mistaken the
    Origin of Sir Henry Morgan, for he was a Gentleman's Son of good
    Quality in the County of Monmouth, and was never a Servant unto
    anybody in his life, unless unto his Majesty, the late King of
    England. Neither did he ever sail but by Commission from the
    Governor of those Parts.

    "The cruelties and barbarous Usages of the Spaniards when at his
    Mercy or his Prisoners, do manifestly reflect on the Reputation
    of Sir Henry Morgan, and were wholly an error in the Original
    Author of this History. As for instance in Pages 44, 49, 61, 64,
    65, 25, 50, 51, &c., the Cruelties there stated after the taking
    of Puerto Principe and the blowing up of the Castle of Puerto
    Velo are not true. For the Castle was left standing, and quarter
    given to all that yielded, and moreover, Sir Henry Morgan,
    having power by his Commission both of Life and Limb, over all
    his Fleet and Army, it is not credible that he would suffer
    either any such Cruelties or Debaucheries to be done, neither
    (as I am told) was there any such Cruelty Committed as the
    Wrecking of a Fool, or the Torturing of a Rich Portuguesen, or
    the causing a Negro to kill several Prisoners, thereby to create
    an hatred of the Spaniards against him and to prevent his
    returning to them, Or, the hanging up any Persons by the
    Testicles. No more truth was there in that story that many
    Religious were pistolled; for, no such Persons were killed
    unless they were found in Arms.

    "On Page 34, the Author hath also mistaken Admiral Morgan's
    sailing from Puerto Velo. For, instead of going to Cuba, as
    there related, the Fleet sailed directly to Jamaica. In the
    succeeding Page likewise, the Ship, there said to come from New
    England, was the _Oxford_ Frigate, and the French Ship there
    mentioned was a French Frigate, who had lately plundered a
    Vessel from New England, and upon the Complaint made unto the
    Governour of Jamaica. There was likewise no advice given to
    Admiral Morgan about the Fireship mentioned on Page 70; but
    rather it was entirely his own contrivance. Also the style of
    the Letter of the Spanish Admiral unto him is wrong; for he
    styled him Captain Morgan, Head of the English Fleet, and not
    Commander of the Pirates. In like manner timely orders were
    given by Sir Henry Morgan for taking the Galleon mention'd in
    Page 89, but were neglected by such as received the Orders.

    "The Expedition performed by Admiral Morgan against Panama was
    not undertaken without Commission from the then Governour of
    Jamaica, and it was upon account of new Acts of Hostility, and
    fresh Abuses that had been committed by the Spaniards upon the
    King of England's Subjects of Jamaica, as by the Council minute
    may sufficiently appear to any that desire full satisfaction
    herein; and also by the said Commission, which they may see
    herein inserted."

Malthus altered the title of the new edition of the book published by
him to make it seem less offensive in the following manner:

"_The [History of the] Bucaniers: [Being an] Impartial Relation [of all
the Battels, Sieges and other most] Eminent Assaults committed for
several years [upon the Coasts of the] West-Indies [by the Pirates of
Jamaica and Tortuga]. Both English and other Nations. [More especially
the Unparallel'd At]chievements of Sir Henry Morgan. [Made English from
the Dutch Copy: Written by] J. Esquemeling, one of the Bucaniers, very
much Cor[rected from the Errours of the Original, by the Rela]tions of
some English Gentlemen, that then resided in those Parts._

"Den Engelseman is een Duyvil voor een Mensch."

London: [Printed for Tho. Malthus at the Sun in the Poultry].

His apology was even more prolix and fulsome than that of his
fellow-publisher.

    "The Publisher to the Reader.

    "Copies, with what Art and Delicacy soever they may be taken,
    never attain to the Worth and Accuracy of the Original, unless
    the Original itself had been drawn by an unskilfull or parcial
    hand, and then its failings and imperfections may be rectified
    by the Copyer, but to Copy from a sophisticated Copy of a Sorry
    Original is the Devil, and this has happened in the late
    Translation of the _History of the Bucaniers_, which being
    written originally in the Dutch with a _Frenchman's_ name, for
    the author cannot be thought to be otherwise than counterband
    Ware. For the French were never found to be over-ready to learn
    other Languages, and especially for one to express himself in so
    harsh an one as Dutch rather than in his Mother Tongue is a
    Miracle. Therefore the Dutch Relation itself may reasonably be
    supposed to have been jobbled up between a Frenchman and a
    Hollander, the first furnishing the matter and the latter the
    Disposition and Ornaments, now who can otherwise think but those
    two would glory over and extol their own Nations as much as
    possibly they could; we never having found either Nation so
    over-conscientious but that their Historians were always ready
    to put the Integrity and Impartiality due and requisite to the
    Title upon the stretch, rather than their own Countrymen should
    suffer by a faithful and plain Representation. Now a Piece
    delineated by such suspicious hands to be afterwards drawn by a
    Spaniard, who is no less jealous of and zealous for the Honour
    of his Nation, must infallibly have its truth and probity a
    little tainted. Thus we must of necessity conclude that a man
    must have abandoned his Reason, who gives entire Credit to such
    a spurious Relation, and to have delivered up his Sense and
    Experience as a prey to Credulity and Imposture. This the
    Publisher of the following Sheets was sensible of, and therefore
    though he knew both the Dutch Original and the Spanish
    Translation contained most excellent Remarks in point of Natural
    History, with several observations never before extant upon that
    Province, he thought not fit to prosecute the Design of having
    them rendered into the English Tongue, before that he had them
    stand the Test of such as had resided many years in those Parts,
    and as it were had been present and Eye-witnesses of those
    Pyratical Expeditions, and so were fully acquainted with the
    Interests and Affairs of the Bucaniers; those Gentlemen were
    pleased to correct, purge, and reform it of many Abuses and
    Mistakes wherewith this Account was sullied by self-interested
    Pens; so as, Reader, you have here the _History of the
    Bucaniers_ exposed open before you and in a condition to undergo
    the most Impartial View and Scrutiny. Yes, you have it here
    prun'd of all those Tautologies wherewith the other Accounts are
    loaded, which is indeed, as the Hollander says, _Veel spreken en
    nit siggen_. But the merit of these Sheets does not merely
    consist in Abbreviation and Conciseness, but the Reader will
    quickly find how much more it is to be valued than a slavish, a
    superstitious draft of so erroneious a Translation as that of
    the Spanish, which has endeavoured to pourtraict the Spaniards
    more mild and favourable, and the Bucaniers more cruel and
    barbarous than they really were. And here I cannot forbear in
    putting the Reader in mind of God's just judgment upon the
    Spaniards for their inhuman usage of the poor and miserable
    native Indians, and look upon our Countrymen, how horrid soever
    some of their Actions may have been, as Instruments of the
    Divine Vengeance for the punishing those enormous Crimes and
    unparallel'd Barbarities committed by that Nation upon a naked,
    defenceless sort of People, and whose only Crime in their Eyes
    was their Riches, and so Destruction was pull'd upon them by the
    goodness and plenty of their Possessions, and I must add that
    how home and real soever may be the Accusations of our
    Bucaniers' Inhumanity and Barbarism, yet that they are but meer
    Infants, meer Novices in Cruelty in comparison with the
    Spaniards; witness all the Relations of the American Conquests,
    which even all the Artifice of Priestcraft and the plausible
    Pretence of Religion has not been able to varnish over.

    "Having thus cleared the Account of all the filth and ordure,
    wherewith this Account was poisoned and infected, I do not
    question but that I may safely assert this Piece to be as
    agreeable to and necessary for an English Reader as any this Age
    has produced, it thoroughly acquainting us with the Lives, Laws,
    and Manners of the Bucaniers, they being for the most part our
    Countrymen, or at least the Bravest of them, who have
    distinguished themselves in several occasions with that
    incredible Bravery and Gallantry, that their Great, Bold, and
    Generous Exploits in point of Military Conduct and Valour, are
    in no wise to be match'd by any Circumstances of the Expeditions
    of the most famous Conquerors of the Universe--and so far as
    they exceed the pitiful, sottish Courage of a Town Fop for a
    Mistress, or of our common English Highwaymen that their most
    sparkling, most illustrious Actions seem guilty of Pusillanimity
    in comparison of those of our Bucaniers; for they have not to do
    with an Effeminate, Dastardly, Degenerate sort of People, but
    with such as were spirited by their Religion and fought _pro
    Diis et Focis_, and were Headed by brave Leaders, being commonly
    those, who, having perform'd extraordinary Atchievements in the
    Spanish Dominions in Europe and Africa, have afterwards
    employments conferred upon them in the West Indies as a Reward
    for their Services. But though the Spaniards have a sufficient
    stock of real Bravery yet they seldom miss showing it greater in
    their Words than in their Actions. Thus in the Translation into
    that Tongue, you find many flourishes that ought to have been
    left out, but which indeed are as easie to be known as a Child
    is by his Father, or as they themselves say,

    "Cada uno es hijo de suas obras.

    "And indeed we may say that both the Dutch Author and Spanish
    Translator were both of a Head in that respect, and as the
    Spaniard says,

    "Oncias bobas, por de va una van todas."

       *     *     *     *     *

         "To the Honourable
          Sir Henry Morgan
      "These few lines are Humbly Dedicated.

  "That man's his Maker's Image, it is said,
  But what's his Maker's form, I never read,
  If there be any likeness, 'tis the mind,
  Which still aspires, and seems to be confin'd
  Godlike Ambition. Does this only Prove
  And shows the kindred Mankind has to Jove,
  Desire of Rule taught man the Art of War,
  'Twas this that caused the Blest above to Jar;
  This made the Heroe. . . .
  This Godlike fury the Ambitious Hurl'd
  And led the daring Man t' o'errun the World;
  So sure 'tis plain, that those who thus aspire,
  Have in their Souls the most Coelestial fire
  How much of Jove must then the English have
  Who're always known to be so stout and brave?
  Handfuls of men have scour'd a Nation through,
  Witness their Gallick Wars & Flemish too,
  And taught the vanquisht war by their own overthrow,
  But 'twould be mean to mention more, since Fame
  Sufficiently Records the English name.
  Say but they're English Redcoats, fire a gun,
  One makes their foes to humble, th'other run,
  Let the great Morgan, our fam'd Bucanier,
  In his late Enterprise make this appear,
  Who with a handfull of brave Englishmen,
  Frighted the whole America of Spain
  And when he was upon the Indian Shore,
  Had he from England's King derived his power,
  Charles had been crowned the Indies' Emperour.
  Tho' the Poles brag of their last year's campaign,
  And the French King boast of what he's done to Spain,
  Great Morgan's fame shall last as long as there
  Is beat of Drum or any sound of War."

Bartholemew Sharp had returned to England in 1682, accompanied by
several of the men who had taken part with him in the daring raid from
the Gulf of Darien upon the Spanish provinces on the Pacific coast, and
had succeeded in evading prosecution. Basil Ringrose, one of his
companions in this expedition, wrote an account of their adventures,
which appeared in print about two years later, combined with a narrative
of the capture of the city of Vera Cruz by the French and the official
reports of Morgan's last cruise, which had been withheld from
publication for thirteen years, in a single volume entitled:

    "_The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp and others in
    the South Seas: being a Journal of the same, also Capt. Van Horn
    with his Bucanieres surprising of Vera Cruz._

    "_To which is added The True Relation of Sir Henry Morgan his
    expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies and his
    taking Panama, Together with the President of Panama's Account
    of the same expedition: Translated out of the Spanish._

    "_And Col. Beeston's adjustment of the Peace between the
    Spaniards and English in the West Indies._

    "Published by P. A. Esq.

    "London. Printed by B. W. for R. H. and S. T. and are to be sold
    by Walter Davis in Amen Corner MDCLXXXIV."

Crooke's and Malthus's translations of the _History of the Bucaniers_
had already been published, and the editor took the opportunity of
making a vigorous defence of Morgan against the defamatory statements
contained in those books, in his preface, not improbably with his
approval.

    "The third Relation," he wrote, "is of Sir Henry Morgan, which
    according to method ought to have been placed first, but I had
    no intention of printing that till I had read over and
    considered the said _History of the Buccanieres_ and then
    thought myself obliged no longer to conceal such an Authentick
    account of that expedition; to which I have adjoyned the
    President of Panama's Letter, which was intercepted going for
    Spain, and confirmed, (if need be), the Credit of the precedent
    Relation.

    "As to the last Paper in which is mentioned the settling of the
    Peace in those parts, with a Description of the City of
    Carthagena; since it related somewhat to the foregoing Pieces, I
    thought it not improper with it to conclude these Miscellanies.

    "But I confess I had yet another design in printing that one
    Expedition of Sir Henry Morgan, which was, That I might in some
    measure rescue the Honour of that incomparable souldier and
    seaman from the Hands of such as would load him with the
    blackest infamy. I could not therefore forbear making some few
    reflections on the aforementioned _History of the Buccanieres_,
    but more especially that part which concerns Sir Henry Morgan
    and the English. For it is against them the Author's malice
    seems to be aimed, endeavouring on all occasions to represent
    them the most Lewd, Perfidious, and Barbarous People in the
    World.

    "And whereas the Translator, who I confess, seems to have
    performed his part well enough, in having rendered it from the
    Spanish Translation, does in his encomiums of the Author,
    compare him to the admirable Historian Comines, very much extol
    his Candour and fidelity, in recording the Actions and the
    Valour of the English, then at large he commends his Stile and
    Method, and highly applauds the Truth and Sincerity of his
    History.

    "I would not trouble myself to show the inequality of the
    Parallel with the incomparable Comines: And as for his faithful
    recording their Actions and valour, I must allow him to have
    writ some of their heroick Exploits well enough, which of
    themselves were so eminent, that had he gone about to have
    lessened, it would have taken away all credit from his History:
    but he has most maliciously stigmatized them all the while as
    valiant Thieves and Murderers. So that there is no man that
    reads that does not conceive a horrour against the barbarous
    Actors of those Cruelties.

    "Neither will I find fault with the Author's stile and method:
    but it is chiefly the boasted truth and sincerity of the
    _History_ which I am concerned to expose, being therein able to
    detect numerous Falsities; and for vouchers of what I affirm,
    can produce a whole Cloud of Witnesses, many of which Romances
    are so palpable that the Author could not write them up by
    mistake, but has inserted them on purpose as embellishments to
    set off his story.

    "To begin then with Sir Henry Morgan's Parentage; He makes him
    the son of a Yeoman, and that he sold himself for Barbadoes;
    whereas it is sufficiently known that he was descended from an
    honourable Family in Monmouthshire, and went at first out of
    England with the Army commanded by General Venables for
    Hispaniola and Jamaica.

    "Then his cruel usage of the Spaniards at Puerto Velo,
    Maracaibo, Gibraltar, and Panama, murdering many in cold blood;
    Racking and torturing some to confess where their treasure lay
    till they dyed; starving others in Prison, Ravishing women, and
    the like barbarities; which this Dutch Comines affirms he saw
    him not only suffer his men daily to commit, but acted himself
    as their example. All those Cruelties, contrary to the nature
    and temper of an Englishman, I have heard absolutely
    contradicted by persons of infallible credit; and may be
    convinced of the foulness of the Scandal thrown on this
    excellent man, who are best acquainted with such as then lived
    in Jamaica, many of whom are now living in London. Nay, the
    English Merchants of Cadiz, who resided there at the time these
    Spaniards of Panama returned from the Indies, affirm that these
    very persons confessed that Sir Henry Morgan was so far from
    doing any such base Actions, that they highly applauded his
    Generosity and the Care he took that none of those severe things
    should be practised by his men, as are usual by a Conqueror,
    when he had his enemies at his mercy, after an obstinate
    resistance. This makes me think that our Dutch Author, having
    this business of Amboina in his Head, has endeavoured to copy
    out that, and lay it on the English, to render them as infamous
    to Posterity, for those supposed villainies in the West Indies,
    as some of his countrymen have become by real ones in the East.

    "I am also assured by good Authority, that the Tale of Sir Henry
    Morgan, his ill usage of the Spanish lady at Panama, is
    altogether a Romance, for so careful was he, that as soon as he
    had taken the Town, and quenched the fire, he caused most of the
    women of the City to be brought to one place, where he set a
    strict guard over them, to prevent the Souldiers or any others
    abusing them, and gave out his Orders prohibiting all men the
    offering them the least violence or injury on pain of a severe
    punishment. And under what loose government his men are
    represented to have lived; I affirm that few Generals have kept
    their Armies with more strict Discipline than he. Nor can I
    think it possible for him to have done all those great Actions
    with men of so base and dissolute tempers, as our Dutch
    Historian paints them to be: But _piens el ladron que todos son
    de su condicion_.

    "And for confirmation of what I have now asserted; at his return
    from Panama, when he brought his Prisoners to la Cruz, in his
    way to Chagre Castle, to induce them to pay their Ransoms; the
    women, especially such as seemed to be of any quality, and could
    ride, were set on Horses, Mules, or Asses, and had Men appointed
    to attend them with all respect. And our Dutch Mandevil says
    that such as were not able to redeem themselves were
    transported, which is of equal credit with the rest of his
    villainous Tales. For I am assured that no person, Man, Woman,
    or Child, (the Slaves only excepted), were so much as ever
    carried on shipboard, but were acquitted and set at liberty when
    he embarked.

    "Moreover, this celebrated Buccanier-Historian, relating those
    Acts of Hostility done in the Indies against the Spaniards,
    insinuates all along, That those were all Robberies and savage
    Butcheries, committed by Sir Henry Morgan and the rest of his
    Crew, who were a parcel of Thieves, Murtherers, and Pyrates; men
    who did all this for the sake of Plunder, Bloodshed, and
    Rapine, without any other colour or pretext whatsoever; filling
    the World with horrour and amazement at the reading of his
    horrible stories: So that out of malice or at least, Ignorance,
    he omits to tell us, that though we had not formally a War
    proclaimed against the Spaniards there in the Indies, yet would
    not they listen to any proposals of Peace with us, beyond the
    Tropick, till about the year 1670, that it had been concluded in
    Madrid by Sir William Godolphin, his majesties Ambassador there,
    and the Articles sent over from hence by Sir Thomas Lynch to
    Jamaica, before which time there daily happened great Acts of
    Hostility and Depredations on either side, done as well by the
    Spaniards against us, as by the English against them; and no
    doubt Revenge spurred on many that had been sufferers to the
    committing some severe things, and to the heightening the Rage
    on both sides. For the Spaniards all this time were not idle,
    they took our merchants' ships; Plundered and Spoiled our
    Plantations, particularly in Jamaica; Used our Men with all
    severity and rigour that an enemy could do, throwing them
    overboard, exposing them in Boats, and on Rafts, without
    Provisions to the Mercy of the Sea, Turning them on uninhabited
    Islands; Leaving them on Countreys to be destroyed by the
    Indians; keeping them in Dungeons and making slaves of them. All
    such severities might well incense such as outlived those
    miseries, if they ever escaped, to put in practice all manner of
    Revenge.

    "Now if I have rightly stated this point, then neither Sir Henry
    Morgan, nor any that fought under him can be said to be Pyrates
    nor Buccanieres; I mean, if he acted by Commission from Sir
    Thomas Modiford, or any Governor of Jamaica before him; as if I
    mistake not, I have heard he really did; which, if true, though
    done without the King's allowance or knowledge, I presume it
    justifies him, though not the Governor; so that any Fleet might
    in time of War as well be called Pyrates; and an Historian
    describing the miseries of a war between two Princes might term
    the men slain in Battle, to be murdered; and the calamities
    befalling a Town taken by storm, to be cruelties exercised by
    Thieves and Robbers, for the sake of Plunder, and satiating
    their thirst after Blood.

    "I would not have any judge me so vain, to think myself able to
    vindicate these men from every ill Action, and imagine I could
    make them pass for Saints: but I still affirm, that those dismal
    Stories of murdering in cold Blood, Torturing, Ravishing,
    Starving, and other Barbarities, are foisted in by the Author to
    lard his History with delightful variety, and to fix an odium on
    the English Nation in general, that they may be hated by others.
    And I further say that perchance never man behaved himself with
    more true valour and resolution of mind to accomplish what he
    had undertaken, showed more prudent and soldierly Conduct, nor
    took more care for preventing all irregularities amongst his
    men, by his own example than the renowned Sir Henry Morgan, who
    has been thus scandalously affronted by these scurrilous Prints.
    For I cannot call otherwise either the Dutch Author, or Spanish
    and English Translators, since there is no doubt but that if he
    had been the Pyrate, and ill man, he is by these pointed out to
    be; he would have been punished as such a one, instead of being
    honoured with a knighthood, as he was on his coming home to
    England; and since that made Deputy Governor of Jamaica, under
    the Right Honourable the Earl of Carlisle, and
    Lieutenant-General of the said island.

    "There is one absurd story more, amongst many others, which I
    had like to have passed over without remark; that is, his firing
    the City of Panama just at his entering into it, as this
    French-Hollander affirms, which if he did was but ill Policy, to
    burn the Town he came so far to Plunder, ere he was well got
    within it. But this is owned by the President in his Letter to
    have been done by the Spaniards themselves, on purpose to
    disappoint the English of their Booty. By this ridiculous
    Falsity may the Credit of the rest of that History be
    conjectured.

    "Many errours could I point out in that which is his natural
    History of the Indies, as for instance his Story of seeing the
    Caymanos or Cocodrills suffer their young ones to play and run
    into their bellies for which Fancy, he might have been, I
    suppose, obliged to Pliny or Aelian, for I dare say no man that
    has lived in the Indies will vouch for him. But these being
    beside my business, I pass by; and have only this more to say,
    That I forbear to print any more at present than that one
    expedition of Sir Henry Morgan, thinking that sufficient to
    convince of the Falsities of that scandalous History of the
    Buccanieres.

    "That Acts of Hostility have been committed since the Peace made
    in the year 1670, betwixt the Spaniards and the Privateers of
    several nations, have been many and considerable, amongst which
    we have had no small loss fallen on our merchantmen, trading
    there in the West Indies, causing a great destruction to our
    Trade, the number of our ships taken since, as I am informed, is
    no less than one Hundred and Twenty, a List of at least one-half
    of which, I am able to have here inserted, which thing I fear
    increases the number of Privateers in those Seas."

Sir Thomas Modyford's commission and instructions issued to Morgan and
Morgan's report of the expedition against Panama were then printed in
this book for the first time as a justification for his conduct.

From a document preserved among the "Hatton Papers", it appears that
William Crooke became the publisher of a second edition of this volume.

    "I beg yr pardon," Charles Hatton wrote to Lord Hatton in May,
    1687, "and shall now give you ye account I have received about
    Ringrose, his relation of Sharp's voyage into the South Seas,
    wch is called ye 2nd part of ye _History of ye Buccaneers_.
    About ye year 1680 there came out a history of ye Buccaneers,
    printed in Flanders in Spanish, pretended to be a translation
    from Dutch writ by one Esquemeling, a Dutch buccaneer, wch
    Crooke a bookseller got translated into English and printed, in
    wch Sir Henry Morgan was represented as a very barbarous Pyrate.
    Sir Harry brought his action agst Crooke, proved all he did was
    by virtue of a commission of ye Governor of Jamaica and ye
    King's authority, and recovered 300 or 400 damage from Crooke,
    about ye same I am sure since Crooke himself told me. After wch
    _His History of the Buccaneers_ was looked upon as fabulous and
    sold for no more than wast[e] paper. But Sir Harry Morgan being
    returned to Jamaica and Sharp and his comrades their voyage into
    the South Sea making a great noise and Sharp's journal being
    printed and selling very well, Crooke agrees with Ringrose, who
    had been a buccaneer with Sharp, for a relation he had of ye
    exploits done in ye South Sea by Sharp and other Pyrates, and to
    make some recompense to Sir Henry Morgan, he was mentioned very
    honourably, and Ringrose, his book stiled ye 2nd part of ye
    _History of ye Buccaneers_, and is generally sold with ye first,
    they being both printed in 4to.

    "The first part of ye _History of ye Buccaneers_ was put forth
    in French with some variations and additions, pretended to have
    been written by one Oexmelin."

The publication of Ringrose's book and the verdicts in his favour in his
suits for libel satisfied Morgan that he had set himself right in the
eyes of the world. If he actually crossed the Atlantic at that time to
appear as a witness, as is implied in Charles Hatton's letter, which
lacks corroboration, he returned to Jamaica within a year.

Few books of its kind have achieved as great and continuous popularity
as _The History of the Bucaniers_. The first editions in Dutch, Spanish,
and English are now extremely rare. Only a few copies are known to be in
existence. Crooke's edition of 1684 was reprinted in London in 1695 and
again in 1699. What was described as a new translation, was published
there by Thomas Newborough in 1699. A second and third edition of this,
considerably revised, were issued by the same publisher in 1704. Another
book bearing the same title, greatly enlarged and said to be a different
version, but called the fourth edition, was published in London by
Midwinter in 1741. An abridgment of this book appeared in 1751. A fifth
edition had been published in Dublin in 1741. Another abridgment was
published in Glasgow in 1762, "for the Improvement and Entertainment of
the British Youth of both Sexes." This was reprinted in the same city in
1773. A fifth edition of Midwinter's publication was published in London
in 1771, and another in 1774. "After this date," Sabin stated, "the book
assumed so many different titles and sizes, that it is difficult to
enumerate the whole of them."[581]

It was reprinted in a fairly complete form in London in 1800 and 1810;
in Dublin, in 1821; in New York in 1826, 1836, and 1840; in Boston,
Massachusetts, in 1853 and 1856. It was abridged and paraphrased by
Howard Pyle under the title of _The Buccaneers and Marooners of
America_, and published in New York in 1891. It was republished in
London in 1893 and again in 1924.

In all the later reprints the language has been modernized and the
apologetic prefaces of Crooke and Malthus were omitted. The fictions and
errors of the original have been retained.

It was largely used as a source of material by Charles Leslie in his
_New History of Jamaica_ (1740); by Captain James Burney in _The
Buccaneers of America_ (1816), who also consulted the Spanish version;
and by George Walter Thornbury in _The Buccaneers or Monarchs of the
Main_ (1855 and 1857). Its obvious sensationalism and untrustworthiness
did not escape the notice of the two last named writers.

Nicolaas ten Hoorn published a much altered reprint in Dutch at
Amsterdam in 1700, containing new plates and a translation from the
English of the voyages of Sharp and other English seamen.

A translation into French by M. de Frontignires was published at Paris
in 1686, giving the name of the author as Alexandre Olivier Oexmelin.
This was republished with additions in 1688 and 1691. It was reprinted
at Trevoux in 1744 and at Lyons in 1774. Perhaps the most noteworthy
evidence of the considerable popularity it obtained in France was the
inclusion of a biographical notice of its reputed author, "Alexandre
Olivier Oexmelin, voyageur et historien", in Michaud's _Biographie
Universelle_.

It has served as a foundation for many dramas, novels, imaginary
travels, and books for the young in several European languages. Poets
and essayists have resorted freely to its pages for inspiration, and its
most striking passages have been frequently plagiarized.

[Footnote 577: Letter from Baron P. E. Mulert, of Ommen, in Holland.]

[Footnote 578: "Inglese de Jamayca, debaxo la direccion del intrepido y
valeroso Juan Morgan; que se habria adquirido mayor honor por su sagaz
dispocion y atrevimiento, si su tiranica crueldad cometido contra los
baxelos, no hubria borrado todo el lustre de su gloria." _Piratas de la
America_, Fourth Edition, Madrid, 1793, preface, p. vi.]

[Footnote 579: Francis Russell Hart, _Admirals of the Caribbean_,
_passim_.]

[Footnote 580: Stevens, _American Historical Nuggets_, Vol. I; Sabin,
_Dictionary of Books Relating to America_, Vol. VI.]

[Footnote 581: Joseph Sabin, _A Dictionary of Books relating to
America_, Vol. VI.]




  CHAPTER XIII

  LAST YEARS AND DEATH


The expulsion of the English logwood-cutters from Campeachy and
Honduras, and the activity of the Spanish ships of war and _guarda
costas_ in repressing the contraband trade had been followed by a marked
revival of piracy, particularly in the Pacific. English armed ships,
nominally privateers, but without commissions of any kind, retaliated
with considerable success not only upon Spanish commerce, but made
attacks upon their towns and plantations near the coast. These
depredations soon came to the attention of Deputy Governor Molesworth,
who reported them with evident alarm to the Secretary of State.

    "By letter from Panama," he wrote, "I understand that eight or
    nine hundred piratical English have possessed themselves of an
    Island called Perico, a league and a half from Panama, where
    they have fortified themselves and maintained it against all the
    force the Spaniards could make against it. At Panama the
    Spaniards were well provided for defence, and preparing to join
    with the supplies ordered from the galleons at Carthagena.
    Manta, near Lima, has been plundered by pirates and much damage
    done. It is supposed that these ships are English, whereof Swan
    and Eaton are two; but we cannot hear whether they are in
    correspondence with those at Perico. Fifteen hundred men have
    been sent by land from Carthagena to Lima, and twelve hundred to
    Panama, to make an end of these pirates, and more than twenty
    vessels from Lima to follow up their ships. The men at Perico
    are for the most part those who have long haunted those seas,
    and finding themselves discouraged at their old trade, have
    joined together and have been conducted by the Darien Indians
    through the country till they got an opportunity to seize the
    island. The design has been afoot a year, when the pirates began
    to make rendezvous at Golden Island, the Darien Indians being
    ever enemies to the Spaniard. The English are said to have made
    great booty by sending out parties from time to time. The
    Spaniards are much alarmed, and the galleons will be retarded,
    to the great disappointment of affairs in Spain. If these
    pirates are not at once overthrown, before they grow any
    stronger, the Spaniards will be compelled to come to terms with
    them or to suffer great loss, for the pirates command some
    passes by which great part of the plate is sent to Porto Bello.
    Not only Spain but all Europe will be injured, and many men will
    be drawn away from this Island despite all our efforts."[582]

One leader of these pirates was in fact that Captain Charles Swan,
commander of the little sloop _Endeavour_ in Morgan's expedition against
Panama, who was consequently well acquainted with its vicinity. When he
decided to return to England in March, 1682, Morgan had given him an
official letter for personal delivery to the Secretary of State. After
he had been in London for a few months, he had persuaded some
enterprising merchants to form a company for trading in the South Sea,
who subscribed sufficient capital for fitting out a suitable ship and
the purchase of goods for her cargo. The _Cygnet_, a ship of between two
and three hundred tons, was equipped and loaded with an assortment of
merchandise believed to be most readily saleable in the Spanish colonies
on the Pacific coast. As this traffic must necessarily be conducted in
defiance of the local officials and officers of the customs, this ship
was armed and manned as a privateer. It is asserted that James, Duke of
York, Lord High Admiral of England, the King's brother and heir apparent
to the throne, had given his approval and patronage to this undertaking.
The command was appropriately enough given to Swan, whose experience as
a master mariner and knowledge of the Spanish language and acquaintance
with the country seemed eminent qualifications. Two supercargoes were
appointed, one of them being William Dampier, who had extensive
experience as a logwood-cutter, trader, and privateer in the West
Indies. Many years later he wrote an entertaining and probably a
truthful account of this and his other voyages.

In October, 1684, having passed through the Straits of Magellan and
arrived near the coast of Peru, the _Cygnet_ met a small squadron of
English pirates, who called themselves privateers, although they had no
commissions.

"There was much joy on all sides", Dampier navely wrote. Davis, who
commanded this squadron, found little difficulty in persuading his old
comrade, Swan, that his ship was too heavily laden to sail well in
company with the others.

"Therefore [Swan] by the consent of the supercargoes, got up all his
goods on Deck and sold to any _that would buy upon trust_: Silks,
Muslins, Stockings, &c., and everything except the Iron."

When this was done all the ships sailed northward in company. Their
first attack upon Guayaquil was repulsed. Later raids had better
fortune, and the squadron finally anchored in the Bay of Panama where it
awaited the treasure-ships annually expected from Lima.[583]

Soon after Swan repented and seems to have planned breaking away from
his companions in evil, for he sent a message over the isthmus to that
effect to his employers, which eventually found a resting place among
the records of the Colonial office.

    "My voyage is at an end", he wrote. "In the Straits of Magellan
    I had nine men run from me in one night, after they saw that
    they could not prevail with me to play the rogue. But God's
    justice overtook them, for after weathering Cape Victory we met
    with an extreme storm of long continuance, which drove me down
    to lat. 55 30' S., and in which the ship to which they deserted
    was lost. When I came to Valdivia where I had two men killed
    under a flag of truce, after three days' parley and all oaths
    human and divine. An ambuscade of between two and three hundred
    men came out and fired upon a poor eight of us in the yawl. But
    God punished them likewise, we killing three of their captains
    and some others. It is too long to give you an account of all my
    troubles, which were chiefly owing to the fact that the ship
    was meant to be run away with. In Nicoia the rest of my men left
    me, so that, having no one to sail the ship, I was forced to
    join them. So that now I am in hostility with the Spaniards and
    have taken and burnt some towns, and have forced the President
    of Panama to send me two men he had taken from us. The same day
    270 new men came to me, and we are going to take in 200 more
    that they left behind. Assure my employers that I will do all I
    can to preserve their interest, and that what I do now I could
    in no wise prevent. So desire them to do what they can with the
    King for me, for as soon as I can I shall deliver myself to the
    King's justice, and I had rather die than live skulking like a
    vagabond for fear of death. The King might make the whole of
    this kingdom of Peru tributary to him in two years' time. We now
    await the Spanish fleet that brings the money to Panama. We were
    resolved to fight them before we had reached this strength, and
    had lain in wait for them six months, but now we hear they are
    at sea, and expect them every day. If we have success against
    them we shall make a desperate alarm all Europe over. I have
    some money, which I wish were with you for my wife. I shall,
    with God's help, do things which (were it with my Prince's
    leave) would make her a lady; but now I cannot tell but it may
    bring me to a halter. But if it doth my comfort is that I shall
    die for that I cannot help. Pray present my faithful love to my
    dear wife, and assure her she is never out of my mind."[584]

In the Bay of Panama these daring pirates held sway for several weeks,
keeping the port closely blockaded all the time.

    "The small island of Perico," Molesworth reported, "which the
    piratical English have taken, is well fortified by nature,
    wherein they have made a strong palisaded fort. Having taken at
    different times vast quantities of flour, they have doubled
    their palisades and filled them up between with sacks of flour,
    which by rain and other means is so hardened that it will resist
    any shot that can be brought against it. So provident were they
    of their own security that they neglected to take a very
    considerable prize to seize twelve ship's guns, which they have
    mounted on the island. It is now stated that all the English in
    the South Seas are collected in one body, that they are
    indifferently strong at sea, that the President of Panama sent
    out five ships against them which were beaten back with the loss
    of the commanding officer, and that the President agreed upon a
    truce, and during the truce sent a fireship among them without
    success. They are said to intend to intercept the Lima fleet,
    and to be strong enough to do so. I heard yesterday of six
    privateer ships that had been burnt in the Bay of Darien, from
    which seven hundred men joined the rest, most of them French:
    also that the French privateers had landed two hundred and
    eighty more men, so that the whole party must now be two
    thousand strong, the majority and governing part being English.
    Capt. Michel, a French privateer, was recently beaten off by the
    Spaniards from Darien, with the loss of his prizes. The French
    continue to issue Commissions against the Spaniards, on pretence
    of damage done them by piraguas sent out from Havana before the
    making of the recent truce."[585]

Disappointed in their plan for taking the treasure-ships, which were
kept in port to preserve them from an attack, the pirates sailed
northward and landed five hundred men, who marched inland and took the
city of Leon, a place so fair and delightful that, "from the pleasure of
this City is all that province of Nicaragua called by the Spaniards
Mahomet's Paradise, the Paradise of America." Failing to exact from its
inhabitants the heavy ransom they demanded, most of the houses were
ransacked and burned. Rio Lejo was next taken, where they found great
stores of flour, beef, sugar, besides cordage, pitch, and tar, of which
they were in much need. The ships then separated, cruising in pairs, or
singly off the coasts of Mexico and California for the best part of a
year until March, 1686, when the _Cygnet_ steered for the Phillipine
islands. There Swan met his death by an accident or in a brawl at
Mindinao. The remnant of the crew, having Dampier as their navigator,
sailed "on from island unto island at the gateways of the day", until
they came to Madagascar, where the ship, being then crank and rotten,
was scuttled and sunk in St. Augustin's Bay.[586]

Meanwhile, Vera Cruz was again surprised and sacked by another band of
pirates, led by John Russell, formerly a logwood-cutter, who had been
made a prisoner at Trist and long held in servitude in the city of
Mexico, where he learned the Spanish language. He escaped, to become a
noted pirate and led many of his old comrades in this adventure.[587]

The sentence of death passed on several persons convicted of complicity
in the Rye-House plot had been commuted to ten years' banishment in the
West Indies, and they were sent to Jamaica. At the same time the
Assembly was commanded to pass an act "to prevent all clandestine
releasements, or buying out of their time, to the end that their
punishment, after so great a mitigation, may yet in some measure be
answerable to their crime." This was promptly done.

Ten years before Lord Vaughan had been instructed to permit Spanish
ships to come to Jamaica to obtain cargoes of negro slaves. Seven years
later the legality of this traffic was questioned, and a Spanish ship
had been seized for violating the Navigation Act. Governor Lynch, who
was believed to be interested in that trade, refused to sanction the
seizure, and the ship was released by his order. The persons responsible
for the proceedings appealed and the case was referred to the
Commissioners of Customs in England, who reported in favour of
continuing the instructions issued in 1677. Orders to that effect were
received by Molesworth, who had lately been the chief factor of the
Royal African Company and naturally favoured a policy to its advantage.
The Dutch West India Company, having a contract with the Spanish
government for supplying slaves to its colonial possessions, sent
several ships to Port Royal to obtain negroes, who were embarked and
sailed under convoy for their destination. The Jamaican planters, whose
interests were involved, had opposed this traffic, and indeed
encouraged the interlopers, who competed with the monopoly of the
company. Their opposition had grown in strength. They feared that the
best slaves would be sold to the Spaniards and that the local cost of
black labour would be much raised by an increased demand. The political
party which had opposed Lynch, of which Morgan had become the recognized
leader, took advantage of this feeling to thwart the governor in
carrying out his instructions. He was criticized because, like some of
his predecessors, he had received high fees for favouring this trade and
giving the protection of ships of the royal navy to the foreign ships
engaged in it. Molesworth complained bitterly to the Auditor-General
that Captain William Phipps, commanding H.M.S. _Rose_, "being egged on
by ill-wishers to the trade", had insulted the Spaniards in Port Royal
and was driving them away. To the Earl of Sunderland he wrote in high
indignation that "the _premios_, with which the Spaniards have rewarded
my services, are envied by my opposers, who magnify the same above all
measure, and would make that appear criminal which is really
meritorious."[588]

The death of King Charles II on the 6th of February, 1685, was not made
known to the Council of Jamaica until April 13. The Assembly was
automatically dissolved in consequence, and the election of another
could not take place until instructions were received from England. A
change of Ministers and a considerable alteration of policy was
generally expected.

A few months later Sir Philip Howard was appointed governor. Special
instructions were issued to him respecting the suspended members of the
Council, whose appeal had been renewed. Their application for an inquiry
was successful.

    "And, forasmuch as the late Governor, Sir Thomas Lynch, with the
    advice of the Council, suspended Sir Henry Morgan and Colonel
    Byndloss from attending the Council and removed them from all
    other offices and commands, and also displaced Charles Morgan
    from being Captain of the chief fort, for their misbehaviour in
    the government, and upon their application to his late Majesty,
    our most dearly beloved brother, there did not then appear any
    cause to alter anything the Governor and Council had done
    therein, and Colonel William Ivy standing likewise suspended by
    our present Lieutenant-Governor from our Council there, you are
    not to restore any of them to their trust and employments until
    a further examination of those proceedings, and a report thereof
    to us, which you are to make with all speed; you shall receive
    our pleasure therein."[589]

But death intervened to prevent Howard from embarking, and Molesworth
remained in office for another year. Writs were issued in the spring of
1686 for the election of an Assembly on June 2. The contest was very
warm owing to the vigorous opposition against the governor's policy in
favouring the sale of slaves to the Spaniards. Molesworth strongly
resented Morgan's active support of Roger Elletson, and a definite
programme of measures advocated by him. While the result was still
undecided he denounced Morgan's conduct in an angry letter to the
Secretary of State.

    "I cannot omit to tell you that Sir Henry Morgan has laboured
    much (contrary to custom here) to get Mr. Elletson, the
    suspended lawyer, chosen in a remote part of the Island, where
    there are but few electors, for the next Assembly, presumably in
    order to disturb the Assembly's proceedings. They are both great
    enemies of the Spanish trade, and they are for raising the value
    of pieces-of-eight to keep money in the country, and for
    advancing the price of sugar; in all which they mistake the true
    interest of the Island, and would cheat others on the false
    surmise of advancing themselves."[590]

Morgan's efforts were particularly successful in the new parishes on the
north side, where the cultivation of cane was being rapidly extended and
the need of slave labour was most required. Roger Elletson and Morgan's
brother-in-law, Henry Archbold, were elected in the parish of St.
George. His friends, Thomas Ballard and Andrew Langley were successful
in St. Mary, and William Bragg was chosen in St. Ann. His former
secretary, John Peeke, was elected in Clarendon. Elletson could command
the support of a considerable majority of the members of the new
Assembly. Through his influence acts were passed imposing an export duty
on negroes and import duties on goods imported in foreign ships, with
the object of discouraging trade in slaves with the Spaniards. Another
act for raising the value of current Spanish coin was expected to have
the effect of scaling down all debts due to outside creditors, of whom
the Royal African Company was the principal. Molesworth refused to give
the royal assent to any of these bills. He was accused of an attempt to
dictate not only the general character of the legislation he wished the
Assembly to enact but the actual form of the bills to be introduced for
raising revenue. Violent altercations naturally followed.[591]

In the midst of these disputes the attention of the members, as well as
the Lieutenant-Governor, was abruptly diverted and absorbed by an
alarming revolt of slaves in the neighbouring parish of Clarendon, which
required the employment of a considerable body of militia for its
suppression, and caused the death of some white and many black men. The
expense of quelling this insurrection was a heavy drain on the revenue,
which seldom came up to the estimate.

Finally Molesworth made a pompous effort to recapture the good will of
the Assembly and planters by a demonstration of loyalty and profuse
hospitality, which excited much remark.

    "At the Council's rising on the 13th October the Governor
    reminded them that the next day was the King's birthday, which
    was duly celebrated. The Governor reviewed the regiment, many of
    whom were in scarlet, which they had provided expressly for this
    day. The Governor entertained all the principal gentlemen and
    officers with a very sumptuous dinner; and in the evening the
    Governor's lady being waited upon by all the gentlemen of
    quality, gave them a very fine treat, and afterwards entertained
    them at a ball, composed of a suitable number of masqueraders,
    very curiously habited, and variety of music, all managed with
    that admirable order as gave great beauty and grace to it. They
    continued dancing very late, but the streets shone with bonfires
    to light them home."[592]

Morgan lived quietly and comfortably in semi-retirement for part of the
year in his house at Port Royal, but mostly on his estate of Llanrumney
with congenial neighbours whom he entertained lavishly, drinking deeply
at times and, it would seem, still persistently seeking re-instatement
in the Council through the influence of friends in England, of whom
probably the most powerful was Christopher, second Duke of Albemarle,
the son of "silent George Monck". His zeal and success in organizing the
militia to oppose the recent insurrection headed by the Duke of Monmouth
had gained the warm approval of King James, and he was nominated to
succeed Sir Philip Howard as governor of Jamaica. He then submitted for
the consideration of the Privy Council a series of suggestions on which
royal instructions for his guidance might be founded. First of all he
requested authority to investigate the reasons for the suspension of
Morgan and Byndloss from the Council, and permission to reinstate them
if he thought fit.[593]

A month later he made a motion at a meeting of the Lords of Trade that
this proposal should be approved. His colleagues agreed that he should
be instructed to inquire and report after his arrival in Jamaica.[594]

As he was not satisfied with this decision he brought the subject to the
attention of the Privy Council a second time before leaving England,
stating that of late there had not been a friendly feeling among some of
the principal men in that island, requesting the Council to direct that
all past differences should be laid aside, and urging that he should be
empowered to reinstate as well as to suspend members of the Council of
that colony. But the report already received from the Lords of Trade was
approved, with the addition of a note that if the Duke of Albemarle
considered there was sufficient reason he might send Morgan and Byndloss
to England, with depositions given in their behalf, to be heard in their
own defence.[595]

A new proclamation for the reduction and suppression of the pirates and
privateers, who were preying indiscriminately upon the commerce of all
nations in the West Indies, although Spain was still the principal
sufferer, was drafted and published. Albemarle was strictly instructed
to enforce it with the utmost energy and severity.[596] Ships were
specially fitted out to convey him to Jamaica, accompanied by his wife,
a numerous staff of officers and a considerable number of servants in
March, 1687, but he did not sail until late in the summer.[597]

His departure had in fact been delayed by the remarkable success of a
venture in the West Indies financed by him. In 1683, Captain William
Phipps had been sent out by the Admiralty in the _Algier Rose_, a small
frigate of the Royal Navy, with instructions to search for the wreck of
a Spanish galleon among the Bahamas and recover the treasure reported to
be sunk in that ship. After arriving in the Caribbean he discovered a
plot among his crew to seize his ship and become pirates. He then went
to Port Royal, where he discharged the guilty seamen and engaged others,
incidentally incurring the displeasure of Molesworth. Touching
afterwards at Hispaniola, he was informed of the loss of another
treasure-ship on a reef lying northward of Puerto Plata, now known as
"Silver Bank", by an old Spanish seaman, who told him that the port had
received its name because a boat loaded with "plata" from the sunken
ship had landed there. Phipps searched for the exact locality of the
wreck for a long time without finding it and, observing discontent among
his crew, returned to England. He was convinced of the truth of the
information he had obtained and hopeful of final success, but failed in
his efforts to gain permission to renew his search. Finally, after much
energetic persuasion the Duke of Albemarle and several associates were
induced to equip the _Bridgewater Merchant_, a ship of 200 tons, and a
small tender, in command of which Phipps sailed "for his old fishing
ground, which had been so well baited half a century before". At Puerto
Plata on the north coast of Hispaniola, he built a large canoe, and
engaged expert Indian divers. With the tender and this canoe he went out
to the reef known as "los calderos", or the "boilers", where the wreck
was believed to lie. The tender was anchored in shoal water and the
divers were sent in the canoe to make a close examination of the reef,
which was covered with only two or three feet of water, but the sea was
very deep just outside. A long search was made without success and the
canoe was about to come away, when one of the Indians saw what he called
a "sea-feather" growing on a rock at the side of a deep pool. He plunged
in to get it and when he came up reported that he had seen several big
guns lying below. He was sent down again and brought up a heavy ingot of
silver called a "sow", weighing between two and three hundred pounds.
With this prize they returned to the ship, and wishing to give their
captain a welcome surprise hid the lump of silver under the table in his
cabin and told him they had been unsuccessful in their search as usual.
When he discovered the silver and was told what the Indian had seen, the
divers were again set at work. As they were so lucky as to find their
way into the treasure-room of the sunken ship, they soon brought up
thirty-two tons of silver, much of which was so incrusted with coral,
that it had to be broken off with hammers and iron bars. An experienced
diver named Adderly was then brought to the scene of the wreck, from New
Providence, by whose advice about six tons more of silver were
recovered. A considerable number of pearls and precious stones were also
found, and Phipps continued his examination of the wreck which was
covered with seven or eight fathoms of water, until scarcity of supplies
forced him to return to England. His success had exceeded the most
sanguine expectations.

"'Tis said," a contemporary diarist noted, "the ship brought home above
200,000 in gold and silver, which is shared among the several
adventurers, whose share comes to about 10,000 for every 100
adventured."[598] Albemarle's share of the treasure was estimated at
40,000. The Crown actually received 20,872 in payment of its droit of
one-tenth.[599] Phipp's share was less than 10,000, but he was
appointed governor of Massachusetts and knighted. A medal was struck by
royal command to commemorate his achievement and it was stated that the
Duke of Albemarle presented Lady Phipps with a cup "worth near a
thousand pounds".[600]

When his success became known eager treasure-seekers from Jamaica and
even the Bahamas and Bermuda hastened to the scene of his discovery, but
found little to reward their efforts.

Since his dismissal from office Morgan had regained much of his former
popularity and influence, but his brother-in-law, Byndloss, tactlessly
increased the animosity of some important men by accusing them of
complicity in a recent instance of smuggling slaves into the island from
an "interloping" ship named the _Hawk_. As the master of that ship was
an acquaintance and probably a guest of Morgan this charge provoked an
angry retort from the veteran, Colonel Samuel Barry.

    "If Colonel Byndloss knew of any malpractice here, why did he
    not complain to the Governor here instead of sending home
    malicious letters? Had he given information when the ship was at
    Port Maria and the Captain at Sir Henry Morgan's house close by,
    feasting on a fat guinea goat, then the Government could have
    made some use of his services."[601]

Byndloss was in consequence forced to formulate a distinct charge in a
letter to the Lords of Trade alleging that the cargo of the _Hawk_ had
been landed secretly in the parish of St. George by an agreement with
Colonel Barry and Mr. Hicks, addressed to Argyle and Baxter, "Argyle
being chief of the plantation, where the negroes were landed, captain of
a troop of horse, _Custos Rotulorum_ and Chief Judge of the Court [of
Admiralty] since the putting out of Sir Henry Morgan."[602]

The sudden death of Byndloss soon after at the age of fifty ended this
squabble.

Albemarle was accompanied to Jamaica by Father Churchill, a zealous and
devout priest of the Roman church, and by an observant young physician,
Doctor Hans Sloane, who attained great celebrity as a naturalist and
collector. Sloane navely described his patron as being "of a sanguine
complexion, his face reddish and his eyes yellow, and accustomed by
being at Court to sitting up late and often being merry."[603]

The Duke announced his belated arrival at Port Royal on the 19th
December, 1687, in a letter to the Lords of Trade, dated the same day.
He had lost no time in taking up Morgan's petition, as he added a
postscript, saying: "I have written to tell you that the whole Council
have asked me to recommend the re-admission of Sir Henry Morgan to the
Council, which I earnestly desire."[604]

Although the island had been shaken lately by a severe earthquake, which
had damaged many buildings, he found the colony in a thriving condition.
A lively and lucrative contraband trade was carried on with Cuba and
other Spanish possessions, and to a smaller extent with the Dutch at
Corosal. Small Jamaican sloops and schooners bartered their cargoes of
English manufactures with the Spaniards for cocoa, cochineal, hides,
sarsaparilla, precious stones, and bullion. They carried provisions to
the Dutch islands and received Spanish products in return. Sloane stated
that one hundred and eighty such vessels were owned in Port Royal. Forty
of them were employed in fishing or taking turtle on the neighbouring
cays, at the Cayman islands, or the numerous islets near the southern
coast of Cuba. Logwood was still cut in considerable quantities in the
Bay of Campeachy, where little bands of Englishmen kept a precarious
foothold in defiance of the efforts of two governments to discourage or
expel them. Traders from Jamaica supplied them with clothing,
provisions, tools, sugar, and rum, and brought back cargoes of dyewood,
which yielded them a profit of at least one hundred per cent. The
cultivation of sugar cane had been greatly developed and many of the
estates, on which it was the principal crop, were large and well
equipped.

    "The stranger is apt to ask what village it is, for every
    completed sugar-works is no less," said a contemporary writer,
    "the various and many buildings bespeaking as much at first
    sight; for besides the large mansion-house, with its offices,
    such as the well-contrived mill, the spacious boiling-house, the
    large receptive curing houses, still house, commodious stables
    for the grinding cattle, lodging for the overseer, the white
    servants, working shops for the necessary smiths, others for the
    framing carpenters and coopers; to all which when we add the
    streets of negro houses, no one will question to call such
    complicated sugar works a small town or village."[605]

The yield of cane grown on virgin soil in the lowlands was very
abundant, and the sugar of Jamaica commanded the highest price in the
London market.

The "great-houses" of the planters were built on the high ground,
usually the crest of a ridge or the summit of a hill, separated from the
other buildings and commanding a wide view of the "cane-pieces"
surrounding them, with a cleared space on all sides within range of
musket-shot. The stone walls of the ground floors were very thick, and
carefully loop-holed for musketry in all directions in case of an
attack. The heavy window-shutters of the tough timber, significantly
called bullet-wood, were also perforated with loop-holes. These
dwellings, even of the richest landowners, although large, were roughly
constructed, without glazed windows, plastered walls or ceilings. Their
roofs were high-pitched to permit the free circulation of air, and the
rooms were merely separated by thin flimsy wooden partitions, six or
eight feet in height. Overhead the massive rough-hewn beams were exposed
to view. The living-rooms were scantily and poorly furnished, but the
sideboards and tables were often loaded with valuable silver plate, the
spoil, perhaps, of some fortunate privateer. The cellars were
plentifully supplied with the wine of Madeira and Oporto and a variety
of ardent spirits. For sleeping, hammocks were preferred to beds and
mosquito-nets were in general use.

Some of the artisans and tradespeople had already grown rich and had
been chosen as vestry-men and church-wardens.

There were many hundreds of white bond-servants, some of them
voluntarily indentured for a term of years in payment of their passage
from England, but by far the greater number banished or transported for
civil or political offences, or as religious recusants. These had
sometimes been treated so cruelly that the Assembly had passed an act
for their protection.

The number of negro slaves had rapidly increased, to keep pace with the
extended cultivation of cane. They had been imported from all parts of
the west coast of Africa and spoke many different languages or dialects.
Some had even come from Madagascar. Those who had been born in the West
Indies were more highly esteemed than slaves newly imported and
untrained. Already the mingling of races had begun. Sloane mentions
mulattoes, mustees, and quadroons. The labour exacted from field-workers
was long, hard, and exhausting. The punishments inflicted upon them were
often cruel and brutal, as it was a cruel and brutal age. Domestic
servants were treated more kindly and favourites were frequently
manumitted and given small plots of land for their support.[606]

Two sugar refineries were being built. Cacao was largely grown in the
fertile district of Guanaboa a few miles from Spanish Town. Indigo was
profitably produced in Vere. Cotton, ginger, and tobacco were being
cultivated for domestic use and export. But roads and bridges scarcely
existed, and as most of the plantations were near the sea their produce
was conveyed in "droghers" from the many small harbours along the coast
to Port Royal for sale or shipment in larger vessels.[607]

Albemarle was heartily welcomed by the inhabitants of Port Royal and
Spanish Town. The Speaker presented an address to the Duchess in which
the members floridly declared that her presence conferred "an honour
which the opulent Kingdoms of Mexico and Peru could never arrive at; and
even Columbus's ghost must be appeased for all the indignities he
endured of the Spaniards, could he but know that his beloved soil was
hallowed by such footsteps."[608]

Several vacancies were unfilled in the Council and some of the members
neglected to attend when summoned. Less than two months after landing,
the governor reported his discontent with them:

    "Once we had not members enough present to make a quorum and the
    Council had to be postponed. Several times only the bare number
    of five has appeared, and that after long waiting. I hope you
    have approved of Sir Henry Morgan and have represented him to
    the King as a fit man for the Council here, for the Council have
    recommended him to me as I have already told you. I also
    recommend Col. Needham as in every way qualified, and hope by
    next return to have the King's consent to the admission of
    both."[609]

Writs were promptly issued for the election of a new House of Assembly
to be returned by the 16th February, 1688. There was very little change
in its composition. Roger Elletson was elected to represent St.
Thomas-in-the-Vale in conjunction with Colonel George Needham, husband
of the only daughter of Sir Thomas Modyford. Samuel Bernard was chosen
as Speaker for the third time. At the session some of the members
showed an unexpected spirit of independence and soon became involved in
a conflict with the governor. In a debate on horse-racing John Towers, a
new member from Clarendon, used the expression "_Salus populi est
suprema lex_." He was reproved by Colonel Needham for uttering
"dangerous and treasonable words", which he declared were better suited
to a republic than a monarchy. A majority of the members supported
Towers, when Needham appealed from their decision to the governor. On
April 11, the Speaker by order of the House publicly reprimanded Needham
for a breach of privilege, and expelled him. The governor then caused
Towers to be prosecuted and heavily fined. The Assembly protested
against this arbitrary act, and was immediately dissolved. Writs
returnable on July 20 were issued for a second election.[610] Colonel
Bourden was dismissed from the Council, and the provost-marshal and some
judges were removed from office. Every effort was made to secure the
election of candidates supporting the governor. It was alleged that some
legal electors were imprisoned to prevent them from voting, while
discharged seamen, soldiers, and indentured servants, not properly
qualified, were taken to the polls and allowed to vote. In some cases
these men were taken from parish to parish and voted in each. These
tactics were successful and the governor obtained a sweeping victory.
The result was that only twelve members of the former Assembly were
re-elected. Among them were Roger Elletson, Henry Archbold, and Thomas
Ballard, Jr. William Archbold was elected as one of the members for St.
Andrew. Morgan's friends were again in supreme power.[611]

While the election was still being fought, at a meeting of the Council
on May 6, Sir Henry Morgan and Roger Elletson presented the petition of
Philip Howard, son of the late governor, praying for the payment to him
of one-half of the governor's salary from the time of death of Sir
Thomas Lynch to the date of his father's death. Colonel Molesworth
testily answered that he knew of no order commanding him to account for
this money.[612]

After receiving Albemarle's first letter the Lords of Trade decided to
recommend that the suspension of Sir Henry Morgan and Colonel William
Ivy from sitting in the Council of Jamaica should "be taken off". This
recommendation was approved by the Privy Council a few days later.[613]
On July 12 Morgan was formally readmitted after an absence of nearly
five years.

When the Assembly met, eight days later, Roger Elletson, well known to
be crafty and unscrupulous, was at once chosen as Speaker, without
opposition. In a long written address presented to the governor next
day, he described the late Duke of Albemarle as "the instrument of the
restoration of the royal authority after twelve years of confused
government. We accept your coming with thankfulness," he continued,
"believing that you will tread in the steps of your father and revive
the at present decaying condition of Jamaica." He then reviewed the
political history of the colony, praising Morgan and deriding his
immediate successors in the administration. Under Lord Vaughan he
asserted that the island had been extremely prosperous.

    "Sir Henry Morgan then succeeded him in this government," he
    said, "who, with perfect respect to his sovereign, justice to
    his Majesty's subjects, care and diligence for the general good
    of this his Majesty's island, and kind and courteous behaviour
    even to the worst of his enemies, though many and malicious,
    continued the same until the arrival of his then Excellency, the
    late Earl of Carlisle, into whose hands with all duty,
    obedience, and service Sir Henry delivered the government. . . .

    ". . . . At his lordship's return to London the government again
    devolved upon Sir Henry Morgan, whose inclination still carried
    him vigorously on to his Majesty's service and this island's
    interest; his study and care was that there might be no
    murmuring, no complaining in our streets, no man injured in his
    property, or his liberty restrained; his dispensations of favour
    and kindness were great and many, even to those, who true
    hornet-like lay buzzing about him during his government, but
    immediately upon the alteration, stung him even to death.

    "After this his two years' government the late Sir Thomas Lynch
    arrived, into whose hands, Sir Henry Morgan, with all duty and
    readiness delivered the government, who found this island in a
    happy and good condition; all men at least appeared as of one
    house, of one heart, and of one mind, no companies but one, the
    planters in a good condition, merchants thronging hither, trade
    brisk and current money plenty, and the island generally growing
    strong by new comers and new settlers.

    "It was then indeed the golden age; but as it was sweet, so it
    proved short, for that method and current of affairs in Sir
    Henry Morgan's government were quickly changed, and several of
    the persons, who had the honour to bear their parts in the
    harmonious concert of his government, grew presently pale,
    peevish, envious, and angry, as if they had been truly weary of
    well doing. Sir Thomas Lynch's government brought the country
    into such a fever that it is scarce recovered yet."[614]

The members of the Assembly showed their approval of this address by
adopting it unanimously and ordering it to be entered in their Journal.

In his reply Albemarle did not conceal his annoyance at the criticism of
his conduct by some members of the former House.

    "I am glad to find the country sensible that it chose ill men
    for the last Assembly," he said. "I promise myself better things
    from you. You cannot be ignorant of the many wicked and
    malicious reports spread abroad by ill-disposed persons to make
    me odious to the people to gain their own ends at the
    elections."[615]

He then presented several proposals for their consideration.

But Elletson's address was not allowed to escape a bitter rejoinder. An
anonymous writer in a letter sent to the Secretary of State, entitled
"Observations on the Speaker's speech", made a fierce attack upon him,
"taking notice only of his personal behaviour in the several governments
after he arrived in Jamaica."

    "In Lord Vaughan's time," it said, "he fled from England for his
    debts, which he has not yet paid. He is the man who made the
    Assembly intercede for a condemned pirate. He was
    Attorney-General when Sir Henry Morgan consented to the tacking
    of the laws to the money bill. He tried to put the laws against
    dissenters in execution in Sir T. Lynch's time; he stirred up
    Gill and Meverell to seize the Assiento ships; he opposed the
    passing of revenue for twenty-one years; he defended the pirates
    from Vera Cruz and that so indecently that he was suspended from
    practice. On Sir T. Lynch's death he tried to blacken his memory
    by saying that he had appropriated piratical goods. In Colonel
    Molesworth's time he opposed the votes for paying the armed
    parties who suppressed the negro rebellion. This is the man,
    whose clerk made a will wherein an annuity of 20 was left him
    to prosecute a lawsuit; who since he has been Chief Justice has
    brought more fines and commitments before Council than have been
    in twenty-four preceding years; who aspersed the dead Sir T.
    Lynch; who opposed thanks to the King for liberty of conscience;
    who is so anxious to justify Sir Henry Morgan that he seems to
    reflect on the late King, who confirmed his dismissal; who
    advised the Duke to dismiss the late Provost-Marshal to make
    room for a creature of his own, who is in gaol for debt, whereby
    his father was allowed to escape from prison, where he lay for
    debt; who sat on the bench when a case was tried of scandalous
    words against himself, gave judgment, and inflicted a fine of
    300; who in his speech spoke ill of two governors that no good
    man spoke ill of yet, and ought not to be believed."[616]

Albemarle had rewarded Elletson for his subservience by appointing him
to be Chief Justice in the place of Samuel Bernard, the late Speaker.
Simon Musgrave, the Attorney-General, was also dismissed. Colonel George
Needham was appointed a member of the Council. In his official letter
the governor expressed his satisfaction with the proceedings of the new
Assembly.

    "The Assembly met on 20 July," he wrote, "and finished more
    business in two weeks than the last did in two months. As the
    members are mostly men of known loyalty I doubt not the King's
    pleasure will find more ready compliance. . . .

    "I have admitted Sir Henry Morgan to the Council pursuant to the
    King's order, but I am afraid that he will not live long, being
    extraordinarily ill."[617]

Morgan was indeed near his death. Years before, when in the prime of
life, he had been seriously ill several times. His health had broken by
hard drinking and irregular habits. Dr. Hans Sloane was invited to
prescribe for him and his intimate friend and neighbour, Colonel Thomas
Ballard. Sloane gave an extended and candid account of Morgan's illness
and his treatment of it in his book. Incidentally, he threw a strange
light on the medical practice of the time.

    "Sir H. M. aged about forty-five, Lean, sallow-coloured, his
    eyes a little yellowish and Belly jutting out or prominent,
    complained to me of want of appetit to Victuals, he had a
    kicking or roaching to vomit every morning and generally a small
    looseness attending him, and withal was much given to drinking
    and sitting up late, which I supposed had been the cause of his
    present Indisposition. I was afraid of beginning Dropsie, and
    advised him to an easy vomit of Oxymel. Scill., with the help of
    a Feather and thin water-gruel, fearing Vin. Emet. might
    disorder him too much by putting him into a looseness or too
    great Evacuation, after that I gave him some Madera Wine, in
    which Roots of Gentian, Tops of Centaury had been infused with
    Mich. Vomit., it worked easily and the bitter Wine, taken every
    morning for some days, he recovered his stomach and continued
    very well for a considerable time. Not being able to abstain
    from Company he sate up late drinking too much, whereby he had a
    return of his first Symptoms, but complained he could not make
    water freely. His water was thick and very red and his legs
    swelled a little. When those Symptoms appeared Dr. Rose and I
    being join'd, we ordered him an Electuary of Cassia, Oil of
    Juniper, Cremor. Tart., and other things to purge easily the
    watery Humours, en join'd Temperance, and desired the
    continuance of his former Medicines. This Course did very well
    with him, but making very little water and being much troubled
    with Belchings and a Cough in the night, he sent to another
    Doctor, who, when he came, was of opinion that his Diseas was a
    Timpany, and that the swelling of his Belly came only from wind,
    according to Hippocrates, and that he was not troubled with the
    beginning of a Dropsie, nor had Gravel (which is not unusual in
    this Case and he had always been troubled with). I told him
    later Observations upon the Dissection of deceased Morbid Bodies
    had discovered the Bellies of People dying of supposed Timpanies
    to be distended with water and no more wind than is supposed to
    be the effect of Phlegm and crude Humours lying in the Stomac
    and Guts. I desir'd him that he should put off talking of the
    Theory and come to the Practice, that we might very well agree
    in the Medicine he should take, as it very often happens to
    Physitians, who may disagree in the Theory and yet agree in the
    Practice. I waited on Sir H. and told him Dr. Rose's and my
    Opinion, which agreeing, he was satisfied therewith. We gave him
    all manner of Diuretics and easy Purges we could find in
    Jamaica, Linseed and Juniper Berries infused in Rhenish Wine,
    Milloped. ppd. in Powder, Juniper Water. Advised him to eat
    Juniper Berries, us'd Oil of Scorpion with ling. Dialth.
    outwardly, by which he recovered again. On Intemperance he fell
    again into Looseness threatening his Life which by an Opiat.
    &c., at night we stopt and he enjoyed his Health for some time
    longer very well. Falling after into his old Course of Life, and
    not taking any advice to the contrary, his Belly swell'd so as
    not to be contained in his coat, on which I warned him of his
    very great danger because he being very weak and subject to a
    Looseness, there was no room for purging Medicines, which seemed
    to be the greatest Remedies for his Dropsie threatening his
    Life, seeing that Diuretics did not produce the desired Effect.
    On this Alarm he sent for three or four other Physitians, who,
    as I was told, said he had no Dropsie, because his legs did not
    swell, the Reason of which was because he lay in a Hamac with
    his Legs up and us'd very little exercise. They advised him to a
    Cataplasm of Ocroain of this Country, &c. for his swell'd Belly
    and would have given a Vomit next morning but that it was an
    unlucky day, as indeed it had in all likelihood been to him if
    he had taken it, for he fell naturally by only the Cataplasm
    into a very dangerous Looseness, which had almost carried him
    off; so that the thoughts of this proceeding was put off. He
    chang'd soon after his Physicians, and had first a Black who
    gave him Clysters of Urine, &c., and plaster'd him all over with
    Clay and Water and by it augmented his Cough. So he left his
    Black Doctor and sent for another, who promis'd him Cure but he
    languished and his Cough augmenting, died soon after."[618]

At the age of fifty-three Morgan was prematurely old and feeble, yet his
death was probably hastened by the mistakes of his physicians. His will
was dated on the 17th of June, 1688, the testator then "being sick in
body but of perfect mind and memory". All his real estate was bequeathed
to his "very well and intirely beloved wife, Dame Mary Elizabeth
Morgan", for the term of her natural life, except the estate called
Penkarne in the parish of St. George, bequeathed to Morgan Byndloss, son
of Robert Byndloss, a minor, when he became of age, the property called
Arthur's Land in the parish of St. Mary, bequeathed to Richard Elletson,
son and heir of Roger Elletson, and the estate of Danks in Clarendon,
which was to be sold and the proceeds applied to the payment of his
debts. The lands left to Lady Morgan were entailed successively to
Charles Byndloss, Pollnitz Byndloss, Henry Archbold, Anna Maria
Byndloss, and Catherina Byndloss, her nephews and nieces, and their
heirs male on condition that the legatee should take the name of Morgan
and "allways goe thereby".

His friend, Colonel Thomas Ballard, was to receive his "Greene saddle
with the furniture thereunto belonging." An annuity of 60 for his
sister, Catherine Lloyd, was to be "yearly payed into the hands of my
ever honest Cozen, Mr. Thomas Morgan of Tredegar." Ten able working
negroes and two mules or two horses were to be given to Morgan Byndloss
when he attained the age of twenty-one years. One hundred pounds were
bequeathed to parish of St. Mary, "to be disposed of for the use of the
said parish at the discretion of the then Justices, Churchwardens and
Vestrye." Roger Elletson was to have the choice of any one of Morgan's
horses, his "blew saddle and furniture thereunto belonging and one case
of pistols tipped with silver". To each of his godsons, Henry Archbold
and Richard Elletson, and to his wife's nephew, Thomas Byndloss, were
bequeathed a silver hilted sword and a mourning ring. In addition,
Thomas Byndloss was to receive a case of pistols tipped with silver.
Legacies of 20 each were to be paid to the two daughters of Robert
Cooke of St. Jago; 50 with mourning and mourning rings to each of his
two servants, Ewan Davis and Joan Potter; 10 to Reece Morgan; and 5 to
his late servant, Roger Surinney. Mourning rings were to be presented to
the Duke and Duchess of Albemarle with "a most humble desire that they
will be pleased to accept the same", to Sir Francis Watson and his Lady,
to Colonel Thomas Ballard and Ann his wife, to Sir Richard Dereham, to
Lieut.-Colonel John Parnaby and Ann his wife, to Major Thomas Ballard,
to Major John Peeke, to Captain John Phipps and Rebecca his wife, to
Major William Archbold and Mary his wife, to his sisters-in-law, Mrs.
Robert Byndloss and Mrs. Henry Archbold, to Mrs. Ann Elletson, Mrs. Mary
Archbold, Lieut.-Colonel Robert Nowell, Anthony Bowes,--Beckinhead, and
"to any other of my friends herein omitted, at the discretion of my
executrix." Ten pounds and a mourning ring were to be presented to
Doctor John Longworth, and five pounds and a mourning ring to Mr. Philip
Bennett, both clergymen of the church of England.

Lady Morgan was appointed sole executrix, and Colonel Thomas Ballard,
Colonel Henry Archbold, Thomas Byndloss, and Roger Elletson were named
as trustees to manage his estate in the event of her death before the
next devisee became of age.[619]

His restoration to office a month later must have gratified him and may
have induced him to revert to "his old course of Life", to the despair
of his observant physician. He died on August 25, probably at
Lawrencefield. Next day his corpse was taken to Christ Church at Port
Royal, where a funeral sermon was preached by Doctor Longworth, the
rector, and buried there while a general salute was fired from the guns
of the ships of war in the harbour, one of them most fittingly bearing
the name of _Drake_, in conjunction with the artillery of the forts and
several merchant ships. A brief entry was made in the log-book of the
_Assistance_, still preserved in the Public Record Office in London.

    "August, 1688, Saturday 25th. This day about eleven hours
    morn'g, Sir Harry Morgan died. On the 26th was brought over from
    Passage Fort to the King's House at Port Royall, from thence to
    the church, and after a sermon, was carried to the Pallisadoes
    and there buried. All the forts fired an equal number of guns.
    Wee fired two and twenty, and after wee and the _Drake_ had
    fired, all the merchantmen fired."

The church at Port Royal was wrecked and submerged by the earthquake and
tidal wave of the 17th of June, 1692, which left a mere fragment of the
place as "a perfect island of twenty-five acres and too small to hold
the trade and people." Morgan's grave was obliterated by the same
convulsion.

His widow survived him for nearly eight years, dying at or near Spanish
Town, where she was buried in the parish church on the 3rd of March,
1696. Her nephew, Charles Morgan Byndloss, inherited the estates, and
sat in the Assembly for four terms. His son, Henry Morgan Byndloss, was
twice elected a member of the Assembly and became Attorney-General.
Another son, Matthew Morgan Byndloss, sat in the Assembly and was
appointed Crown Solicitor. Pollnitz Byndloss, a brother of Charles
Morgan Byndloss, served for some time as Provost-Marshal and was elected
a member of the Assembly four times. Thomas Byndloss, another brother,
also sat in that House. Five members of the Assembly were supplied by
the Archbold family, three of them being nephews of Lady Morgan.

Roger Elletson fell into disgrace and was dismissed from office as Chief
Justice. His son, Roger Hope Elletson, took a leading part in political
life for many years.

Hostilities with Spain in 1739 and 1740 caused a considerable revival of
interest in Morgan's exploits both in England and Jamaica. Leslie then
wrote and published his _New History of Jamaica_, in which they were
highly extolled. Another book appeared under the title of _England's
Triumph over the Spaniards, containing the Hardy Atchievements of Sir
Henry Morgan in the West Indies_. Contemporary accounts of the capture
of Chagres and Panama were printed in the _Gentleman's Magazine_.[620]

Writing only fifty years after Morgan's death, when members of the
Byndloss and Archbold families were still rich and powerful, Leslie had
access to some private papers, which have since disappeared. He
concluded his sketch in a decidedly eulogistic tone.

    "This short Abstract of so heroic a Life will furnish you with a
    strong and lively Idea of the Man and convince you that a Soul
    nobly daring, a Mind breathing pure and untainted Heroism may be
    lodged in a Body sprung from the meanest of Mortals. The
    Meanness of Morgan's Parentage and the Lowness of his Birth were
    circumstances that could not check his aspiring Soul in her
    eager Pursuit after Glory. Sprung as he was from a Farmer, he
    soon raised himself to such a Situation in Life as daily caused
    to show the vast Odds between a hardy, courageous, free Briton
    and a dastardly, mean-spirited, enslaved Spaniard. . . .

    "He showed the World that he was qualified to govern as well as
    to fight, and that in all Stations of Life he was a great man. I
    have seen here a curious picture of Sir Henry, done at his own
    Desire; he is drawn at length, and there appears something so
    awful and majestick in his Countenance, that I am persuaded none
    can look upon it without a kind of Veneration."[621]

Patrick Browne, a naturalist and physician, who resided in Jamaica a few
years later, wrote that Morgan "left off his Courses" immediately after
his return from Panama, and "became a sober settler and a happy planter,
and in course of time was admitted to the Council and afterwards
knighted and appointed Lieutenant-Governor, in which station he behaved
with great applause from 1680 to the year 1682."[622]

Edward Long, the historian, being a Jamaican planter and a distant
relative, was distinctly friendly.

    "It is to the Bucaniers we owe the possession of Jamaica to this
    hour", he wrote in 1774. "The Spaniards had never escaped from
    their inclinations to regain it; and the settlement went on so
    slowly at first that they had the greatest reason for hoping to
    become masters of it and drive out their conquerors. But they
    were checked all at once by the attacks which they received from
    whole squadrons of privateers, invading them in different places
    with such irresistible fury, that they began to find very
    sufficient employment at home, defending their own coasts and
    effects. At the time when privateering was in its most
    flourishing state, during the government of Sir Thomas Modyford
    and Sir Thomas Lynch, as many men were engaged on board these
    vessels as there were in the island. I do not undertake to
    justify the cruelties which are said to have been some times
    practised on the Spaniards. The assailants had no thought of
    courting the friendship of their opponents, or of conquering for
    the sake of amity and traffic. Both parties were embittered
    against each other by reciprocal injuries, in which the
    Spaniards had undoubtedly been the first aggressors; and the war
    was therefore carried on with revenge and desolation. It is but
    justice to Sir Henry Morgan, the most celebrated of all the
    English leaders, to affirm, it does not appear that he ever
    encouraged or approved of any such inhumanities, which, although
    they might be a just retribution upon those, who had murdered,
    tortured, or doomed to perpetual imprisonment many hundreds of
    Englishmen and thousands of poor Indians, ought not, I confess,
    to have stained the hands of brave men. The general name of
    _pirates_, given to those persons, loads the memory of some
    among them with an undeserved opprobrium, considering the many
    wonderful and gallant actions they performed, the eminent
    services they effected for the nation, the riches they acquired
    to their country, and the solid establishment they gave to so
    valuable a colony. Sir Henry Morgan, whose atchievements are
    well known, was equal to any of the most renowned warriors of
    historical fame, in valour, conduct and success, but this
    gentleman has been unhappily confounded with the piratical herd;
    although it is certain that he constantly sailed under a regular
    commission, was equipped for his next expedition against
    Maracaibo by the governour of Jamaica, and was applauded and
    rewarded for his conquests by the ruling powers both in that
    island and in England. When the Spaniards in these seas were so
    distressed in their settlements and navigation that they were
    almost humbled into despair and their ambassador at our court
    having presented several memorials, it was thought advisable by
    government to put a stop to this West Indian war by a treaty of
    peace and rigorous orders; Sir Henry immediately desisted, and
    after the reduction of Panama in February, 1671 (the treaty not
    having then reached America), he undertook no further
    enterprise."[623]

Bryan Edwards, another Jamaican planter, some twenty years later, when
England and Spain seemed once more about to engage in a conflict, wrote
in a spirit of greater detachment.

    "The narrative called the _History of the Bucaniers_, published
    towards the latter end of the last century, which has been
    quoted by writers of all descriptions as of unquestionable
    authority, was originally written in Dutch by one John
    Esquemeling, who confesses that he had been one of the Bucaniers
    and was expelled from their society. The reports of such a
    writer ought to have been received with great caution, but there
    is a still stronger circumstance to excite suspicion and it is
    this: The English work is not taken from the Dutch original but
    from a _Spanish translation_; and to suppose that a Spaniard
    would speak favourably of the Bucaniers is the very excess of
    human credulity. Not having the original book to refer to, I
    cannot pronounce with certainty, but I am of opinion that many
    of the tragical stories concerning the torture of the Spanish
    prisoners and the violation of the women are the interpolations
    of the Spanish translator. I form this conclusion from the
    malignity displayed towards the character of the famous Sir
    Henry Morgan. If we may believe the account given of this
    gallant commander he was the most inhuman monster that ever
    existed. Yet this very man (who by the way acted under a regular
    commission and letters of reprisal) after he had quitted the
    sea, was recommended by the Earl of Carlisle to be his successor
    in the government of Jamaica and was accordingly appointed
    lieutenant-governor in the Earl's absence. He afterwards
    received the honour of knighthood from King Charles II, and
    passed the remainder of his life on his plantation in Jamaica.
    By the kindness of a friend in this island I have had the
    opportunity of perusing some of Sir Henry Morgan's original
    private letters; and this I will say, that they manifest such a
    spirit of humanity, justice, liberality, and piety, as prove
    that he has either been grossly traduced or that he was the
    greatest hypocrite living--a character ill suited to the frank
    and fearless temper of the man."[624]

Efforts have been made without success to trace the letters mentioned,
which might throw considerable light on Morgan's private life.

His talents as an organizer and administrator of a considerable fleet
manned by volunteers, and his conduct as a leader of such a turbulent
force in very daring undertakings were most remarkable. Skill in
preparation and planning were combined with decision and dauntless
courage in their execution. Francis Drake had not ventured to attack
Puerto Bello. The formidable force sent out from England under Admiral
Vernon seventy years later, having taken that place, declined to attempt
crossing the isthmus for the capture of Panama. Morgan's outstanding
ability as a commander is beyond dispute.

[Footnote 582: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
67, Molesworth to Sunderland, 16th March, 1685.]

[Footnote 583: Dampier, _Voyages_, _passim_; Masefield, _A Mainsail
Haul_, pp. 195-9.]

[Footnote 584: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
87, Charles Swan to Captain John Wise, Panama Road, 4th March, 1685.]

[Footnote 585: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
140, Molesworth to Sunderland, 24th April, 1685.]

[Footnote 586: Dampier, _Voyages_, _passim_; Masefield, _A Mainsail
Haul_, pp. 100-122.]

[Footnote 587: Dampier, _Voyage to the Bay of Campeachy_, edition of
1729, p. 128.]

[Footnote 588: G. L. Beer, _The Old Colonial System_, Vol. I, pp. 362,
364-5.]

[Footnote 589: Royal Instructions to Sir Philip Howard, Knt., 25th
November, 1685.]

[Footnote 590: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
643, Molesworth to Sunderland, 22nd April, 1686.]

[Footnote 591: Feurtado, _passim_; Beer, _Old Colonial System_, I, p.
365.]

[Footnote 592: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
981, Henry Egle to William Blathwayt, St. Jago, 1686, undated.]

[Footnote 593: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
930, Proposals of the Duke of Albemarle, 23rd October, 1686.]

[Footnote 594: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
991, Journals of the House of Lords, 20th November, 1686.]

[Footnote 595: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1210, Proposals of the Duke of Albemarle, 15th April, 1687.]

[Footnote 596: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1211, Minute of Council.]

[Footnote 597: Narcissus Luttrell, _Diary_, I, p. 407.]

[Footnote 598: Luttrell, Diary, I, p. 407; Southey, _Chronological
History of the West Indies_, II, p. 143.]

[Footnote 599: Beer, _Old Colonial System_, I, p. 169.]

[Footnote 600: Beer, _Old Colonial System_, I, p. 169.]

[Footnote 601: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1171, Statement of Colonel Samuel Barry, 3rd March, 1687.]

[Footnote 602: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1301, Robert Byndloss to Lords of Trade, 12th August, 1687.]

[Footnote 603: _Dictionary of National Biography_, Article on
Albemarle.]

[Footnote 604: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1567, Albemarle to Lords of Trade, 19th December, 1687.]

[Footnote 605: Account by Dr. Trapham, quoted in an appendix to the
Journals of the Assembly.]

[Footnote 606: Richard Blome, _Description of Jamaica_, _passim_.]

[Footnote 607: Sloane, _Voyage to Jamaica_; Ogilby, _Account of
America_, _passim_.]

[Footnote 608: _Journal of the Assembly_, I, p. 105.]

[Footnote 609: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1624, Albemarle to Lords of Trade, 11th February, 1688.]

[Footnote 610: _Journal of the Assembly_, I, p. 110 _et seq._]

[Footnote 611: Feurtado, _passim_; Gardner, _History of Jamaica_, pp.
70-1.]

[Footnote 612: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1734, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica.]

[Footnote 613: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1694, _Journal of Lords of Trade_, 10th April, 1688; No. 1721, Order in
Council, 27th April, 1688.]

[Footnote 614: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1845, _Journals of the Assembly_, Vol. I.]

[Footnote 615: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1844, and _Journals of the Assembly_, Vol. I.]

[Footnote 616: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1846, July, 1688.]

[Footnote 617: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
1858, Albemarle to Lords of Trade, 8th August, 1688.]

[Footnote 618: Sir Hans Sloane, _Voyage to Jamaica_, London, 1707, Vol.
I, Introduction, pp. xcviii-xcix.]

[Footnote 619: _Liber of Wills 6_, folio 8, Island Record Office,
Spanish Town.]

[Footnote 620: Vol. X, pp. 457-8.]

[Footnote 621: _A New History of Jamaica_, pp. 157-160.]

[Footnote 622: _Natural and Civil History of Jamaica_, p. 4, note,
edition of 1756.]

[Footnote 623: _History of Jamaica_, 1774, Vol. I, pp. 200-201.]

[Footnote 624: _History of the West Indies_, fifth edition, London,
1819, Vol. I, pp. 136-7.]




  APPENDIX I

  A LIST OF SHIPS UNDER THE COMMAND OF ADMIRAL MORGAN[625]


  SHIPS' NAMES                      COMMANDERS' NAMES        TUNS  GUNS   MEN

  The _Satisfaction_ frigate   Admiral Henry Morgan           120    22   140
  The _Mary_ frigate           Captain Thomas Harris           50    12    70
  The _May-Flower_                "    Joseph Bradley          70    14   100
  The _Pearle_                    "    Lawrence Prince         50    12    70
  _Civillian_                     "    John Erasmus            80    12    75
  _Dolphin_ frigate               "    John Morris             60    10    60
  _Lily_                          "    Richard Norman          50    10    50
  _Port Royal_                    "    James Delliatt          50    12    55
  The _Gift_                      "    Thomas Rogers           40    12    60
  _John of Vaughall_              "    John Pyne               70     6    60
  The _Thomas_                    "    Humphrey Throston       50     8    45
                                              or Thurston
  The _Fortune_                   "    Richard Ludbury         40     6    40
  _Constant Thomas_               "    Coone Deloramell        60     6    40
                                              or Debraunce
  The _Fortune_                   "    Richard Dobson          25     6    35
  The _Prosperous_                "    Henry Wills             16     4    35
  _Abraham Offerenda_             "    Richard Taylor          60     4    30
  _Virgin Queen_                  "    John Barnett            50     0    30
  _Recovery_                      "    John Shepherd           18     3    30
  The sloop _William_             "    Thomas Woodriffe        12     0    30
  The _Betty_ sloop               "    William Curson          12     0    25
  The _Fortune_ ketch             "    Clement Symons          40     4    40
  The _Endeavour_                 "    John Harmanson          23     4    35
  _Bonadventure_                  "    Roger Taylor            20     0    23
  _Prosperous_                    "    Patrick Dunbar          10     0    16
  _Endeavour_                     "    Charles Swan            16     2    30
  The _Lambe_ sloop               "    Richard Powell          30     4    30
  _Fortune_                       "    John Reekes             16     3    30
  The _Free Gift_                 "    Roger Kelly             15     4    40
                                                             ____  ____  ____
                                                             1120   180  1326
                        French Ships

  _St. Catherine_              Captain Tribetor               100    14   110
  _Galliardena_                   "    Gascoone                80    10    80
  _St. John_                      "    Diego                   80    10    80
  _St. Peter_                     "    Pearse Hantol           80    10    90
  _Le Diable Volant_              "    Desnangla               40     6    50
  _Le Serfe_ sloop                "    Joseph                  25     2    40
  _Le Lyon_ sloop                 "    Charles                 30     3    40
  _Le St. Marie_                  "    John Linaux             30     4    30
                                                             ____  ____  ____
                                                              465    50   520

  English ships in all                                       1120   180  1326
  French ships in all                                         465    59   520
                                                             ____  ____  ____
                                                             1585   239  1846

[Footnote 625: _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, No.
704, i. Also printed in the appendix to Volume I of the _Journals of the
House of Assembly of Jamaica_ with the substitution of Debraunce for
Deloramell in the list of captains.]




  APPENDIX II

  THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF SIR HENRY MORGAN, KNT.


  _Liber of Wills_, 6, folio 8.
  Entered Sept. 14th, 1688.
          Jamaica SS.
      In the Name of God Amen.

I, Sr. Henry Morgan Knt being sick in body but of perfect mind & memory
doe make and ordaine this my last Will and testamt hereby making voyd
disannulling all and every will and Wills by mee heretofore made and
published.

First I will give and bequeath my Soule into the hands of Allmighty God
that gave it firmly believing in and hopeing for a pardon for and
remission of all my sinns through the merritts and mediation of my
Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christe.

My body I bequeath to the earth to be decently buryed at the discretion
of my Executrix and trustees firmly crediting a joyfull resurrection.

As to the disposal of what worldly estate it hath pleased God to bestowe
upon mee

I will and bequeath as followeth

_Item._ I will give and bequeath unto my very well and intirely beloved
wife Dame Mary Elizabeth Morgan all my real estate lands tenements &
hereditamts with the appurtenences thereunto belonging (except
hereinafter bequeathed) for and during the term of her natural life with
all the proffitts arising therefrom for and towards the payment of my
debts without any other account to be rendered to any person or persons
whatsoever And after her decease it is my will & pleasure and I doe will
give and bequeath all my lands tenemts and hereditamts with apurtences
(except as before excepted) to Charles Byndloss Second sonn of the late
Robert Byndloss Esq dec'd and the heires males of his body lawfully to
be begotten upon this express condition that the said Charles Byndloss
and the heires males of his body doe alter and change the name or
surname of Byndloss and take upon him & them the name of Morgan and
allways goe thereby And for want of such issue it is my will and
pleasure and I doe hereby give and bequeath the aforesaid reall Estate
Lands tenemts and hereditamts (except as before excepted) unto the
second son of Henry Archbold son and heire of the present Henry Archbold
Esqre and the heires males of his and theire bodyes forever lawfully to
be begotten Upon this express condition nevertheless that the said Henry
Archbould and the heires males of his body doe alter and change and take
upon him and them the surname of Morgan and always goe thereby and for
want of such issue it is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will
devise and bequeath my said real estate lands tenemts and hereditamts
with the apurtences (except as before excepted) unto the issue males of
the body of Ann Maria Byndloss lawfully to be begotten and the heires
males of theire bodys forever upon this express condition nevertheless
that the said heires males of the body of the said Ann Maria Byndloss
and theire heires males forever doe alter & change and take upon them
the surname of Morgan and always goe thereby. And for want of such issue
it is my will and pleasure and I do hereby will give and bequeath the
aforesaid Estate lands tenemts and hereditamts with the apurtences
(except as before excepted) unto the issue male of the body of Catherina
Maria Byndloss and the heires males of her body forever lawfully to be
begotten Upon this express condition nevertheless that the said heires
males of the body of the said Catherina Maria Byndloss and theire heires
males forever doe alter and change & take upon them the surname of
Morgan and allways goe thereby and for want of such issue it is my will
and pleasure and I doe hereby will and bequeath the aforesaid reall
Estate lands tenemts & hereditamts with the apurtences (except as above
excepted) unto the issue male of the body of Mary Elizabeth Byndloss and
the heires males of her body forever lawfully to be begotten Upon the
express condition nevertheless that the said heires males of the body
of the sd Mary Elizabeth Byndloss and theire heires males forever doe
alter change & take upon them the surname of Morgan and always goe
thereby and for want of such issue to the right heires of the said Dame
Mary Elizabeth Morgan and theire heires forever.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure & I doe will give and bequeath unto
Morgan Byndloss son of the said Robert Byndloss deceased and the heires
males of his body lawfully to be begotten and theire heires males
forever All my lands tenemts and hereditamts with the apurtences situate
lyeing and being in the parish of St. Georges comonly called or known by
the name of Penkarne when he shall arrive at or come to the age of 21
years and in the meantime to the said Dame Elizabeth Morgan and in case
of his death without issue as aforesaid Then my will and pleasure is and
I doe hereby will devise and bequeath the same to the said Dame Mary
Elizabeth Morgan and her heires forever.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will devise and
bequeath unto Richard Elletson son and heire of Roger Elletson of the
parish of St. Andrew Esqr All That my Parcell of land situate lying and
being in the parish of St. Marys comonly called or known by the name of
Arthurs Land.

To have and to hold to him the said Richard Elletson his heires and
assignes forever.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will give and
bequeath for and towards the payment of my debts all that my parcell of
land comonly called or knowne by the name of Dankes land situate lying
and being in the parish of Clarendon to the said Dame Mary Elizabeth
Morgan and her heires and assignes forever to be sold for the payment of
the said debts as aforesaid.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will give and
bequeath unto my very Honble friend Coll Thomas Ballard my Greene saddle
with the furniture thereunto belonging.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will give and
bequeath unto my well beloved sister Catherine Loyd 60 sterl per annum
for and during her natural life and it is my will and pleasure that it
be yearly payed into the hands of my ever honest Cozen Mr. Thomas Morgan
of Tredegar.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby order & appoint my
Executrix hereinafter named well and truly to pay and discharge all my
just debts.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will give and
bequeath unto the abovementioned Morgan Byndloss at his age of 21 years
Tenn able working negroes and two mules or two horses at the election of
my Executrix hereinafter named or in case of her death at the Election
of my trustees the devisee in my will mentioned not being then of age.

_Item._ I will and bequeath unto the two daughters of Robert Cook of St.
Jago de la Vega Gent each of them the sume of 25 to be payed to them at
theire respective ages of 21 yeares or day of marriage which shall first
happen and in case of the death of either of them the whole sume shall
go to the surviving legatee but if both happen to dye before the same
shall become due that then the whole sume shall fall to the said Robert
Cook his Exors or admors.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure that after my debts and legacys are
payd I doe will give and bequeath unto the parish of St. Marys the sume
of 100 to be disposed of for the use of the said parish at the
discretion of the then Justices Churchwardens and Vestrye.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will devise and
bequeath to His Grace the Duke of Albemarle and her Grace the Duchess
each of them a mourning ring with my most humble desire that they would
be pleased to accept the same.

_Item._ I will give and bequeath to the said Roger Elletson the choise
of any one of my horses my blew saddle and furniture thereunto belonging
together with one case of pistolls tipped with Silver.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby give devise and
bequeath unto my two Godsons Henry Archbold and Richard Elletson and my
nephew Thomas Byndloss each of them a silver hilted sword and a
mourning ring and to the said Thomas Byndloss another case of pistolls
tipped with Silver.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will give and
bequeath unto my servants Ewan Davis and Joane Potter each of them 50
with mourning and a mourning ring.

_Item._ I give will and bequeath unto Reece Morgan the sum of 10 and
unto my late servant Roger Surinney 5.

_Item._ It is my will and pleasure and I doe hereby will give and
bequeath unto my good friends Sr Francis Watson and his Lady Coll Thomas
Ballard and Ann his wife Sr. Richard Dereham Lt Coll John Parnaby and
Ann his wife Maj'r Thomas Ballard Maj'r John Peeke Capt John Phipps and
Rebecca his wife Maj'r William Archbold and Mary his wife my sister
Byndloss and Sister Archbold Mrs. Ann Elletson Mrs. Mary Archbold Lt
Coll Robert Nowell Anthony Bowes Esq and--Beckinhead each of them
mourning rings of the value of forty shillings and to any other of my
friends herein omitted at the discretion of my Executrix.

_Item._ I will give and bequeath unto Doctor John Longworth 10 and a
mourning ring and to Mr. Philip Bennett 5 and a mourning ring.

_Item._ I do hereby nominate constitute and apoynt Coll Thomas Ballard
Coll Henry Archbold Thomas Byndloss and Roger Elletson Trustees of this
my last will and testamt Hereby impowering them and every one of them in
case of the death of my executrix hereinafter named before the next
devisee shall arrive or come to the age of 21 yeares to manage my estate
according to the use intent and purpose hereinbefore mentioned and for
theire care and paines herein I give and bequeath to each of them 20
and a mourning ring of the value of forty shillings.

_Item._ I doe hereby constitute nominate and apoynt my dutifull and
entirely beloved wife Dame Mary Elizabeth Morgan sole executrix of this
my last will and testamt earnestly desiring my said trustees to be
aiding and assisting in all things to my said Executrix.

IN WITNESS whereof I the said Henry Morgan have to this my last will and
testamt set my hand and seal this seventeenth day of June Anno Dni 1688

      Henry Morgan (LS)

SIGNED SEALED PUBLISHED AND DELIVERED
by the within named Testator as and for his last will and testament

  In the presence of Henry Heminge
                     Wm Harrington
                     John Cooke
                     Thomas Graves.

Memorand this fourteenth day of September 1688 personally appeared
before mee Henry Heminge and John Cooke Gent and made oath that they
were present and did see Sr Henry Morgan Knt dec'd signe seale publish
and declare the within written instrument to be his last will and
testament and that hee was then of sound mind and memory and that they
did also see William Harrington since dec'd sign as witness to the same

      Albemarle.




  INDEX


  A

  Abney, Paul, 286, 287, 294
  _Abraham Offerenda_, ship, 423
  Acosta, Juan d', 276
  Act declaring laws of England to be in force in Jamaica, 335
  Act imposing an export duty on negroes, 320, 401
  Act imposing import duty on goods imported in foreign ships, 401
  Act for raising the value of current Spanish coin, 401
  Act for the protection of white bond-servants, 408
  Act for suppression of privateers, 319, 332, 334
  Act of naturalization, 332, 342
  Act prohibiting Jamaicans from taking foreign commissions, 251, 256,
    257, 260
  Acts of navigation, 29, 41, 236, 297, 309
  Adderley, a diver, 404
  Admiralty, commissioners of, 229
  Admiralty, court of, 236, 238, 247, 295, 296, 338
  _Advice_, sloop, 263
  African Company, 42, 48, 311, 324
  Aguadores, 25
  Agua Grande, 165
  Albemarle, George Monck, first Duke of, 32, 46, 60, 62, 63, 72, 81,
    95, 124, 125, 132, 133, 317, 411
  Albemarle, Christopher, second Duke of, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 409,
    411, 412, 413, 427, 429
  Albemarle, Duchess of, address to, 409, 427
  Alborado, field in Mexico, 340
  Alcandete, Don Alonso de, 185, 186
  Aldea Gracia, 118
  _Algier Rose_, frigate, 403
  Almirante, bay, 66
  Alvarado, 67
  Amboina, 387
  _Amity_, ship, 133
  Amoixial, battle at, 45
  Amsterdam, 373, 374
  Ana Maria, bay, 84
  Anglesey, Lord, 237
  Anglican clergy, 294, 313
  Angola, 236
  Annatto, 208
  Annotto Bay, 347
  Anjou, 84
  Ansell, Captain John, 83
  Antigua, 201, 294, 340
  Antonelli, Baptista, architect, 88
  Antonio, Don, 300
  Archbold, Colonel Henry, 65, 214, 298, 362, 368, 400, 410, 417, 425
  Archbold, Henry, Jr., 416, 417, 425, 427
  Archbold, Mrs. Henry, 417, 428
  Archbold, Mrs. Mary, 417, 428
  Archbold, William, 362, 410, 417, 428
  Archbold family, 418, 419
  Archer, John, 347
  Arelva, 176
  Argyle, 406
  Argyle and Baxter, 405
  Arlington, Henry Bennet, Lord, 41, 54, 79, 92, 102, 125, 130, 145, 147,
    152, 153, 205, 206, 211, 212, 218, 220, 221
  Army of the Commonwealth, 1, 4, 5, 18, 21, 23, 30, 35, 53, 354
  Arthur's Land, estate, 416, 426
  Articles of War, 235
  Arundell, Colonel, 37
  Ary, Captain, 134
  Aschbach, 2
  Ash, Isle of, 147, 150, 287
  Ashurst, Jonathan, 301, 314, 323
  Ashley, Lord, 143, 145
  Assembly of Jamaica, 20, 21, 38, 52, 53, 65, 71, 205, 216, 223, 228,
    243, 244, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 259, 260, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271,
    272, 273, 278, 281, 282, 283, 284, 288, 289, 290, 293, 300, 301, 313,
    314, 316, 318, 319, 320, 321, 324, 327, 329, 330, 332, 333, 334, 338,
    339, 354, 355, 357, 358, 359, 360, 363, 364, 365, 366, 369, 371, 399,
    400, 401, 408, 409, 410, 412, 413, 414, 418
  Assiento, 45, 183, 413
  _Assistance_, ship, 209, 211, 217, 218, 223, 418
  Atkinson, Mr., 270, 271
  Attorney General, 243, 262, 357, 361, 368, 413
  Audiencia of Panama, 67, 168, 189
  Auditor General, 354, 356, 399, 418
  Australia, 373
  Aux Cayes, harbour of, 103
  Aves, Isle of, wreck of French fleet at, 263
  Aylett, Captain, 105


  B

  Bache, Major Samuel, 363, 366, 368, 405
  Bahamas, 130, 147, 164, 348, 349, 403, 405
  Baines, Captain, 134
  Baker, Captain Roger, 160
  Balboa, 189
  Ballano, 174
  Ballard, Colonel Thomas, 243, 298, 346, 360, 362, 363, 371, 400, 414,
    416, 417, 426, 428
  Ballard, Major Thomas, 410, 417, 428
  Ballard, Mrs. Ann, 417, 428
  Ballard's Valley, 346, 371
  Baltic squadron, 20
  Bamberg, 2
  Bamfield, Captain John, 55
  Banister, Major General James, 218, 232
  Bannister, Captain, 323
  Barbacoa, 177
  Barbados, 4, 8, 20, 22, 32, 46, 47, 58, 143, 263, 308, 317, 318
  Barclay, Morgan's secretary, 324
  Bargueno, Don Juan Portando, 185
  Barkley, James, 347
  Barkley, Margery, 347
  Barlovento fleet, 287
  Barnes, Captain, 251
  Barnett, Captain John, 423
  Barra, Fort de la, 108
  Barr, Charles, 242
  Barry, Colonel Samuel, 16, 20, 33, 405
  Batabano, bay of, 83
  Batavia, 373
  Batharpe, Captain, 291
  Bayano, 17, 129
  Bayano y Villa Nueva, Don Pedro, 131, 138
  Beaufort, Duke of, 104
  Beckford, Captain Edward, 101
  Beckford, Peter, 227, 233, 235, 236, 238, 314, 364
  Beckinhead, Mr., 417, 428
  Bedford, Earl of, 69
  Beef, Isle of, 276
  Beers, Captain Cornelius, 308
  Beeston, Colonel William, 33, 50, 56, 60, 64, 71, 79, 82, 94, 105,
    121, 123, 209, 229, 234, 253, 264, 268, 274, 282, 301, 314, 317, 336,
    370, 384
  Belt, Thomas, naturalist, 316
  Bennet, Sir Henry, Secretary of State, 244, 247
  Bennett, Captain John, 239, 254, 309
  Bennett, Philip, 294, 417, 428
  Bergen-op-Zoom, 2
  Bermuda, 20, 31, 143, 147, 164, 405
  Bernard, Samuel, 314, 319, 409, 413
  Bernardson, Captain Albert, 55
  Bernhard, Prince of Saxe-Weimar, 3
  _Betty_, sloop, 158, 423
  Bigford, Captain, 105
  Binks, Dutch admiral, 231
  Birks, William, governor of Curacao, 135
  Biskayner, 130, 224
  Bithing, Captain, 291
  Blackburne, Lancelot, 294
  _Black Eagle_, ship, 78
  Blathwayt, Mr., 327
  Blewfield, Captain, 35
  Bluefields Bay, 150, 280, 281
  Bluefields River, 58, 150
  Boatmen, 207
  Boca del Drago, 211
  Bockenham, Captain Robert, 351
  Bohergues, Don Ximinez, 50
  Bolas, Juan de, 7
  Bolivar, 67
  _Bonadventure_, ship, 423
  Bond-servants, white, 303, 408
  Bonilla, Don Alonso, 67, 68
  Bontein's map, 234
  Boucan, dried meat, 163
  Bourden, Colonel, 410
  Bowes, Anthony, 417, 428
  Bradley, Captain, (Colonel) Joseph, 67, 151, 157, 165, 168, 169, 170,
    172, 173, 423
  Brandenburg, Duke of, 308, 311
  Bragg, Captain William, 243, 244, 401
  Brandenburgers, 308, 312
  Brayne, Major General William, 10, 11
  Braziletto, export of, 208
  Breda, treaty of, 96, 216
  Brenning, Captain, 35
  Bresilog, parish in Wales, 347
  Bridewell, 5
  _Bridgewater Merchant_, ship, 404
  Brinicain, a privateer, 61
  Brisbane, J., 335
  Bristol, 4, 133, 218
  Brogues, 185
  Browne, Captain James, 247, 252, 253
  Browne, Dr. Patrick, 419
  Browne, Dr. Richard, 98, 99, 100, 105, 142, 143, 155, 196, 213, 219
  Buccaneers, 11, 61, 62, 72, 81, 83, 137, 143, 164, 388, 390, 421
  Buckell, Captain, 35
  Buena-Maison, Dr. Alonso de, 374, 375, 377
  _Buen Jesus de las Almas_, ship, 254
  Bueno Cedro, 179
  Buffs, regiment so called, 2
  Bull Bay, 312
  Burney, Captain James, 392
  Burrough, William, stewart-general, 16
  Bustos, Don Augustin de, 117
  Byndloss, Anna Maria, 416, 425
  Byndloss, Catherina, 416, 425
  Byndloss, Charles, 416, 424, 425
  Byndloss, John, 256
  Byndloss, Henry Morgan, 418
  Byndloss, Mary Elizabeth, 425, 426
  Byndloss, Matthew Morgan, 418
  Byndloss, Morgan, 416, 418, 426, 427
  Byndloss, Pollnitz, 416, 418
  Byndloss, Colonel Robert, Chief Justice, 56, 65, 198, 209, 229, 234,
    237, 239, 240, 242, 248, 249, 250, 256, 261, 289, 290, 298, 364, 367,
    370, 371, 399, 402, 403, 405, 406, 416, 424
  Byndloss, Mrs. Robert, 417, 428
  Byndloss, Thomas, 417, 428


  C

  Cabaritta Bay, 234
  Cabaritta Island, 346
  Cabezas, Bishop, 28
  Cabo de Lobos, 107
  Cacao, export of, 279, 291, 294, 408
  Caceres, Francisco de, 75
  Cadiz, 45, 46, 239, 386
  Cagua harbour, 9, 11, 14, 22, 25, 31, 65
  _Cagway_, ship, 130
  California, 397
  Campeachy, bay, 33, 34, 59, 85, 92, 105, 108, 130, 142, 146, 154, 206,
    209, 213, 229, 233, 254, 274, 277, 340, 350, 407
  Campeachy town, 269, 273, 275, 307, 326, 351
  Camp of the Concepcion, 13
  Campo, Don Estaban del, 71
  Campo y Espinosa, Don Alonso del, 114, 118, 119, 120, 124
  Canaries, islands, 308
  Cane, cultivation of, 32, 46, 204, 407
  Cane-pieces, 407
  Cape Catoche, 33, 130, 274
  Cape Gracia Dios, 154
  Cape of Good Hope, 246
  Cape Tiburon, 163, 164, 165, 206
  Cape Victory, 395
  Capira, 176
  Capitulation of Barbados, 46, 317, 318
  Capitulation of Trist, 351
  Caracas, 92, 113
  Caraga, 211
  Carbery, Earl of, 2, 222, 258
  Caribbean sea, 88, 152, 159, 165, 191, 244, 403
  Carlisle, Earl of, 221, 222, 224, 248, 249, 257, 259, 262, 264, 265,
    266, 268, 269, 271, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 284, 285, 288, 289,
    294, 295, 299, 300, 302, 303, 304, 306, 309, 311, 313, 315, 316, 317,
    318, 325, 335, 350, 351, 358, 389, 411, 421
  Carmarthen, borough, 222
  Carolina, 348
  Carstens, Cornelius, 134
  Cartagena, 49, 69, 73, 74, 83, 85, 92, 104, 105, 106, 118, 122, 129,
    130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 141, 156, 157, 158, 168, 189, 210, 246, 251,
    280, 281, 287, 308, 313, 314, 326, 385, 393
  Cartago, 66, 67, 68, 69, 151
  Cartaret, Sir G., 43
  Cary, Colonel Theodore, 47, 53, 56, 64, 79, 209, 227, 243
  Castillo, Tiris de, 175
  Caye du Sacrifice, 326
  Cayenne, 250, 341
  Cayman islands, 130, 203, 245, 351, 406
  Cays of Turrinife, 306
  Cays of Yucatan, 306
  Central America, 126, 131, 274, 316
  _Centurion_, frigate, 23, 24, 29, 33, 34
  Cerro Colorado, 175
  Chagres, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 179, 181, 182,
    183, 191, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198, 210, 211, 213, 214, 387, 419
  Champeton river, 274
  Chandeler, Captain, 327
  Chapelton, 127
  Charles, Captain, 423
  Charles II, King of England, 18, 19, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 96, 126, 159,
    160, 225, 298, 299, 319, 321, 362, 363, 366, 396, 399
  Charles II, King of Spain, 96, 160, 203
  _Chatas_, river sloops, 172, 179
  Chili, 191
  Chorreras (Ocho Rios), 12
  Christ Church, Port Royal, 309, 310, 417
  Churches, establishment of, 310
  Churchill, Captain, 360, 362, 366
  Churchill, Father, 406
  _Civillian_, ship, 55, 423
  Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Lord Chancellor, 41, 62, 125, 207
  Clarendon parish, 41, 127, 207, 301, 310, 401, 410, 416, 426
  Clarke, Captain Enoch, 103
  Clarke, Governor Robert, 348, 349, 350
  Clarke, Captain Thomas, 83
  Cliff at Rio Nuevo, 13
  Cobham, Captain Nathaniel, 55
  Cochineal, capture of, 291
  Cocoa-walks, 208
  Cod of the Great Harbour, 285
  _Cold Harbour_, sloop, 245
  Colebeck, Colonel John, 282
  Collier, Captain, (Colonel and Vice Admiral), Edward, 83, 89, 100,
    103, 104, 127, 151, 156, 157, 158, 184, 186, 196, 198, 199, 213, 214,
    219
  Cologne, 374
  Colstree, Captain, 35
  Commission to Henry Morgan, 137
  Commissioners of Customs, 398
  Compagnie des Indes, 164
  Company of Seville, 308
  Concepcion redoubt, 74, 75
  _Concord_, ship, 73, 160
  Constant Spring, 65, 214
  _Constant Thomas_, ship, 423
  Cook, Captain Edward, 291, 307
  Cooke, John, 429
  Cooke, Robert, 417, 427
  Cooper, Captain, 35, 36
  Cope, Colonel John, 78, 209, 301
  Coquimbo, 341
  Cordillera, 67
  Cordivant bay, 90
  Coro, 17
  Corosal, 406
  Cortadura, 75
  Costa Rica, 66, 69, 73
  Costing, Captain, 92
  Cotton, export of, 279, 408
  Coventry, Sir William, 125, 237, 241, 243, 244, 255, 266, 269, 291, 304
  Council of Trade and Plantations, 221
  Court, Captain Rudolph, 103
  Court of Admiralty, 237, 238, 295, 296, 309
  Court of Common Pleas, 297
  Coward, William, a dissenter, 314, 366
  Coxon, Captain John, 240, 251, 291, 307, 348, 349, 350, 352
  Cradock, Mr., 362, 365
  Craven, Earl of, 46
  Crocker, Captain John, 305, 308, 327
  Cromwell, Oliver, 3, 5, 7, 8, 10, 16, 36, 59, 70
  Cromwell, Richard, 3
  Crooke, William, 1, 374, 376, 377, 385, 390, 391
  Cuba, 6, 7, 12, 17, 22, 23, 25, 28, 30, 31, 45, 61, 62, 63, 64, 84,
    85, 100, 101, 126, 129, 144, 150, 152, 154, 205, 209, 291, 293, 315,
    348, 349, 356, 380, 406
  Cumana, 17, 123
  Curacao, 48, 51, 54, 56, 60, 64, 66, 72, 107, 118, 133, 135, 215, 250, 263
  Curson, Captain William, 423
  Custom duty, exemption from, 7
  Custom House at Port Royal, 292, 295
  Custos rotulorum, 265, 301, 358, 406
  _Cygnet_, ship, 394, 395, 397


  D

  Dampier, William, 106, 123, 275, 276, 307, 394, 395, 397
  Daniel, Captain, 309
  Danks estate, 127, 426
  Darien, 154, 168, 178, 397
  Darien bay, 397
  Darien gulf, 307
  Darien Indians, 393
  Davies, John, 210
  Davila, governor of Cuba, 80, 85
  Davila, Pedrarias, governor of Panama, 189
  Davis, Ewen, 417, 428
  Davis, Captain John, 35, 67, 305
  Davis, Walter, 385
  Deane, Captain John, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241
  Defoe, Daniel, 195, 373
  Delander, Captain Richard, 157, 175
  Delander, Captain Robert, 100, 101
  Delliatt, Captain James, 423
  Dempster, Captain, 92
  Denmark, King of, 308
  Derby House, 335
  Deloramell, or Debraunce, Captain Coone, 423
  Dereham, Sir Richard, 417, 428
  Derrotero, a chart, 211
  De Ruyter, Dutch admiral, 44
  Desnangla, Captain, 423
  Desaguadero, river, 60
  Diego, Captain, 423
  _Diligence_, ship, 254
  Dobson, Captain Richard, 423
  Doglar, John, 102, 103
  Doherty, Philip, 340
  _Dolphin_, ship, 152, 423
  Downs anchorage, 226, 231, 272
  D'Oyley, Colonel Edward, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20,
    21, 24, 61, 272, 278, 284, 290
  Drake, Sir Francis, 88, 217, 422
  _Drake_, man of war, 418
  Droghers, small freight boats, 409
  Drought, 211, 359
  Dunbar, Captain Patrick, 423
  Dunes, battle of, 3
  Dunkirk, 3, 18
  Dutch East India Company, 299
  Dutch West India Company, 42
  Dynevor, 222


  E

  Earthquakes, 406, 418
  East India Company, 43
  Eaton, a pirate, 393
  Ebony, export of, 208
  Edwards, Bryan, 421
  El Caney, heights of, 28
  El Cerro de Avance, 185
  El Cerro de los buccaneros, 181
  El Cruz de Juan Gallego, 174
  Elletson, Ann, 346, 347, 417, 428
  Elletson, Richard, 416, 426, 427
  Elletson, Roger, Attorney General and Chief Justice, 346, 347, 356,
    357, 364, 365, 368, 371, 400, 401, 409, 410, 411, 412, 413, 416, 417,
    418, 426, 428
  _Endeavour_, sloop, 394, 423
  Enderby, Percy, 2
  Ensor, Captain, 50
  Epitaph on Sir Thomas Lynch, 371
  Epitaph on Sir Thomas Modyford, 288
  Erasmus, Captain John, 423
  Erveaux, Comte d', 280
  Espinosa, Don Alonso del Campo y, 114, 118, 119, 120, 162
  Essex, Cornelius, 292
  Esteria longa le Mos, 91
  Estres, Admiral Comte d', 261, 264, 286, 287
  Evelyn, John, 18, 217, 222, 299
  Everson or Evertsen, Jacob or James, a pirate, 312, 313, 325
  Exchange at Port Royal, 296
  Exquemelin or Esquemelin, John, 195, 373, 374, 377, 378, 379, 380,
    390, 392, 421
  Executive Council of Jamaica, 235, 243, 247, 255, 261, 263, 264, 265,
    266, 267, 268, 271, 281, 282, 283, 284, 288, 289, 290, 297, 301, 305,
    312, 315, 320, 321, 322, 324, 329, 331, 341, 342, 345, 360, 361, 363,
    364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 370, 399, 400, 401, 402, 409, 410, 411, 414,
    419
  Export duties, 38
  Exports, 279


  F

  _Falcon_, ship, 356, 360, 365, 368
  Fanshaw, Sir Richard, 46, 47
  Featherston, Major Ralph, 343
  Fireships, 114, 115, 116, 283, 380, 397
  Fisheries, 245, 406
  Flanders, 3, 67
  Flemings, 48, 67
  Flood, William, 365
  Flor, Don Juan Lopez de la, 67
  Florida, 96, 130, 349
  Florida channel, 53
  Flushingers, 224, 308
  _Flying Horse_, ship, 223
  Fogg, William, 187, 198
  Ford, Sir Ed., 224
  Foreland, 226
  _Foresight_, frigate, 226
  Fort Carlisle, 264
  Fort Charles, 31, 65
  Fort James, 223, 263
  Fort Morgan, 263
  Fort Rupert, 264
  Fort San Geronimo, 166, 167
  Fort St. James, 102
  Fort St. Philip, 102
  Fortescue, Major General, 8, 9, 70
  Forths, Messrs., 360
  Fortifications, 9, 22, 30, 31, 221, 223, 262, 263, 264, 282, 283, 284,
    285, 291, 330, 333, 334, 338, 339, 341, 358
  _Fortune_, ketch, 423
  _Fortune_, ship, 423
  _Fortune_ II, ship, 423
  _Fortune_, sloop, 423
  Fox, George, 10, 78
  Francis, pink, 295, 296, 297
  Franciscans, 69
  _Free Gift_, sloop, 423
  Freeman, Captain, 57
  Freeman, Colonel Thomas, 271
  French fleet, movements of, 279, 280, 281, 285, 286, 287, 304, 309
  _Friendship_, ship, 36
  Friends, Society of, 78
  Frontignires, M. de, French translator, 392
  Fuller, Reverend Thomas, 19
  Fustic, export of, 208, 279


  G

  Gage, Thomas, 8
  Galeno, Captain Juan de, 75
  _Gallardena_ or _Galerdeene_, Spanish privateer, 156, 158, 423
  Gallinero river, 189
  Gallop, Captain George, 223, 228
  Gambo river, 43
  Gascoone, Captain, 423
  Garretson, Captain Garret, 55, 101
  Gaye, Captain, 35
  Genoese, 48, 67
  Genoese Company, 190
  _George and Samuel_, ship, 103
  Gibraltar, town in Venezuela, 109, 111, 114, 118, 123, 162
  _Gift_, ship, 43
  Gilderland (Guelderland), 54
  Gill, Mr., 413
  Ginger, export of, 279, 408
  Glamorganshire, 1
  Gloria castle, 87
  Godolphin, Sir William, 146, 149, 159, 160, 162, 255, 388
  Golden Grove, 222
  Golden Island, 393
  _Golden Sun_, Dutch ship, 247
  Goodler, Captain, 35
  Goodson, Admiral, 8, 9, 17
  Grafton, Duke of, 325
  Grammont, French admiral, 326
  Gran Granada, 58, 64, 153, 155, 157, 215
  Grants of land, 22, 38, 126, 127, 201, 207, 208, 232, 234
  Gratuities to soldiers, 21, 354
  Graves, Sir Thomas, 429
  _Great Charity_, ship, 22
  _Great Dolphin_, ship, 292
  Great-houses, 407
  Great Seal, 227
  Greeks, 67
  Greene, John, Morgan's solicitor, 376
  Grenada, 121
  _Griffin_, frigate, 22, 53, 76, 101
  Guanaboa, 280, 408
  Guarda costas, 274
  Guatamala, 153
  Guayaquil, 395
  Guevara, 67
  Guiabal, 176, 182, 183
  Guinea (Guinny), 43, 44, 279, 306, 345
  _Gulden Draak_, Dutch ship, 373
  Guzman, Don Juan Perez de, President of Panama, 73, 74, 94, 156, 168,
    172, 175, 176, 178, 182, 183, 186, 187, 188, 193, 196, 211, 384, 385


  H

  Hacket, Captain, 100
  Hadsell (Hattsell), Captain Charles, 37, 71, 84, 123
  Hamburg, 350
  Hampden, John, 69
  Hanson, Francis, a lawyer, 304, 322, 345
  Hantol, Captain Pearse, 423
  Harman, Captain John, 55
  Harmanson, Captain John, 423
  Harmenson, a privateer, 61
  Harrington, William, 429
  Harris, Peter, a pirate, 293, 299, 307
  Harris, Captain Thomas, 214, 423
  Harrison, Captain, 153
  Haro, Don Francisco de, 186
  Hatton, Charles, 390, 391
  Hatton Papers, 390
  Havana, 9, 13, 37, 50, 69, 76, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 96, 99, 100, 151,
    229, 244, 245, 269, 280, 286, 328, 341, 352, 397
  Havre-de-Grace, 102
  _Hawk_, ship, 405
  Heminge, Henry, 429
  Henry VIII, King of England, 252
  Herbert, Sir Edward, 332
  Herbert, Vere, Lady Lynch, 332, 344, 367
  Hertford, 210
  Heywood, Captain Peter, 305, 309, 325, 326, 347, 371
  Heywood Hall, 347, 371
  Hicks, Nicholas, 132
  Hicks, Mr., 405
  Hides, export of, 279
  High Admiral of France, 239
  High Court of Justice, 296
  Hilliard, Colonel, 282
  Hippocrates, 415
  Hispaniola, 1, 5, 6, 7, 34, 54, 61, 80, 83, 100, 103, 104, 106, 137,
    143, 150, 154, 164, 205, 210, 231, 264, 286, 303, 304, 352, 404
  History of the Bucaniers, 66, 90, 106, 111, 112, 120, 121, 195, 373,
    374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 385, 389, 390, 391, 392,
    421
  Holmes, Dr. George, 213, 214
  Holmes, Captain Robert, 42, 43, 44
  Holland, 1, 38, 42, 44, 46, 51, 52, 59, 78, 96, 129, 214, 220, 223,
    228, 232, 247, 267, 304, 313, 350
  Hollantze Mercurius, 210
  Honduras, bay of, 57, 292, 298, 350
  Honduras, gulf of, 274, 276, 277
  Honduras province, 60, 393
  Hoorn, Jan ten, 373, 374
  Hoorn, Nicolaas ten, 392
  _Hopeful Adventure_, frigate, 50
  Horder, Captain, 35
  Howard, Sir Philip, 399, 400, 402
  Howard, Philip, 410
  Hunt, Edward, 346
  Hunt, Ursula, 346
  _Hunter_, frigate, 281, 287, 292, 293
  Hunters, 51, 83, 164, 207


  I

  Immigrants, arrival of, 20, 32, 49, 78, 143, 232, 233, 357, 408
  Indians, 25, 57, 58, 59, 67, 68, 73, 125, 150, 176, 177, 178, 180,
    183, 194, 393, 404
  Indigo, export of, 279, 290, 292, 408
  Inn of the Cross, 179
  Inquisition, 6
  Instructions, royal, 21, 23, 36, 37, 38, 46, 47, 49, 136, 145, 259,
    261, 312, 318, 332
  Insurrection of negroes, 401
  Interest, legal rate of, 334
  Interlopers, unlicensed traders in slaves, 309, 311, 313, 314, 320,
    321, 324, 326, 399, 405
  Ireland, 356
  Ironsides, 5
  _Isabella_, ship, 122
  Isla del Oro, 307
  Islas del Rey, 193
  Isle  la Vache, 103, 104, 106, 147, 155, 226, 227, 231, 266
  Isle of Ash, 147, 150, 173, 287
  Isle of Aves, wreck of French ships at, 263, 264
  Isle of Beef, 276
  Isle of Pines, 55, 83
  Isle of Providence, 71
  Isthmian railway, 177
  Isthmus of Panama, 307
  Ivy (Ivey), Colonel William, 29, 234, 400, 411


  J

  Jackman, Captain, 57
  _Jamaica Merchant_, ship, 226, 227, 265
  Jamaican commerce, 250, 255, 279, 359, 360, 406
  Jamaican privateers, 118, 123, 124, 125, 128, 132, 134, 162, 164, 226,
    228, 231, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 242, 251, 273
  James, Captain, 35, 274
  James, Duke of York, Lord High Admiral of England, 29, 41, 42, 45, 55,
    81, 138, 164, 201, 362, 366, 367, 394
  Jansen, a pirate, 223
  Jaques, Captain William, 245
  Jardinos de la Reina, 84
  Java, 373
  Jenks (Jenckes), Major Samuel, 292
  Jenkins, Sir Leoline, Secretary of State, 314, 315, 316, 323, 326,
    327, 328, 332, 334, 335, 342, 343
  _Jersey_, frigate, 264, 269
  Jica Lanoga Apatan, island, 351
  _Johanna_, dogger-boat, 218
  _John of Vaughall_, ship, 423
  Joseph, Captain, 423
  Juan de Dios, a Spanish priest, 187
  Judge of Admiralty Court, 29, 37, 79, 296, 297, 309


  K

  Keene, Captain John, 218, 219
  Kelly, Captain Roger, 423
  Kendall, Mr., 51
  King's Highway, 180
  King's House, Port Royal, 227, 418
  King of Spain, 47
  King Philip, an Indian chief, 231
  Knapman, Captain Joseph, 226, 265, 315, 325
  Krinki Kesmes, romance by Hendrik Smeeks, 373


  L

  Lagoon of the Tides, 274
  Laguna de Terminos, 274
  Laguna, Marquis de, 340
  Lake Maracaibo, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 118
  _La Marquesa_, Spanish frigate, 116, 119
  _Lambe_, ship, 423
  Land under cultivation, 19
  Langley, Captain Andrew, 346, 371, 400
  Langworth (Longworth), Dr. Peter (or John), 294, 368, 417, 428
  La Caye du Sacrifice, 326
  La Concepcion redoubt, 166
  La Rancheria, 156
  La Roche, Captain, 104
  La Santissima Trinidad, Spanish galleon, 194
  Las Chorreras (Ocho Rios), 12
  Las Islas del Rey, 193
  _La Trompeuse_, French ship, 337, 342, 349, 352, 356
  Laughton, Sir J. K., 66
  _Laurel_, ship, 306
  Laurence or Laurent, a pirate, 325, 326
  La Veven or Vivonne, Captain, 104
  Lawrencefield estate, 316, 417
  _Le Cerf_, sloop, 158
  _Le Cerf Volant_, privateer, 104
  _Le Diable Volant_, ship, 423
  _Le Lyon_, sloop, 423
  Le Maire, Jean, 67
  _Le Serfe_, sloop, 423
  _Le St. Marie_, sloop, 423
  Leeward Islands, 55, 146
  L'Estrange, Sir Roger, 220
  _Leghorn Merchant_, ship, 160
  Legislative Council of Jamaica, 19, 23, 62, 134, 135, 141, 198
  Leon, city, 397
  Leslie, Charles, 4, 32, 35, 40, 90, 98, 106, 111, 122, 163, 181, 392,
    411
  Letters-of-marque, Bahaman, 348, 349, 350
  Letters-of-marque, Brandenburger, 311, 312
  Letters-of-marque, French, 226, 228, 231, 247, 253, 269, 359
  Letters-of-marque, Jamaican, 29, 50, 61, 62, 71, 79, 93, 142, 205, 223
  Letters-of-marque, Portuguese, 63, 64, 80
  Letters-of-marque, Spanish, 131, 135, 152, 157
  Levant Company, 374
  Levantines, 67
  Leyba, Don Juan de, 75
  Lida island, 58
  Ligne, Prince de, 18
  Lignum Vit, export of, 208
  Liguania, 285
  _Lily_, privateer, 105, 423
  Lima in Peru, 89, 193, 341, 393, 395
  Linaux, Captain John, 423
  Lippstadt, 2
  Lisardo, Don Pedro de, 168, 169, 171, 172
  Litcot, Giles, 54
  Liverpool, 254
  Llanrhymney, estate in Wales, 1, 2, 53, 65
  Llanrumney, estate in Jamaica, 346, 347, 371, 402
  Lloyd, Catherine, 2, 416, 426, 427
  Locke, John, 221
  Lockwood, Captain, 325
  Logwood, export of, 279
  Logwood, traffic in, 120, 206, 209, 216, 229, 231, 235, 254, 265, 274,
    275, 276, 277, 281, 286, 406, 407
  Logwood-cutters, 393, 398, 407
  L'Olonois, French privateer, 107
  London, 18, 22, 29, 36, 122, 218, 254, 257, 262, 297, 325, 344, 359,
    360, 391, 394, 411
  London, Bishop of, 357
  London _Gazette_, 376
  Long, Charles Edward, 225
  Long, Edward, 199, 314, 420
  Long, Colonel Samuel, Chief Justice, 52, 53, 253, 268, 271, 289, 290,
    301, 317, 318, 323, 324, 328
  Lord Chancellor Clarendon, 20, 41, 62, 207
  Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, 205, 256, 257, 268,
    277, 284, 289, 294, 296, 297, 302, 305, 311, 313, 315, 321, 322, 323,
    325, 327, 328, 329, 331, 335, 336, 349, 355, 359, 360, 364, 368, 369,
    370, 402, 406, 411
  Lord High Admiral, 29, 50, 96, 120, 138, 164, 197, 223, 247, 394
  Lord Mayor of London, 39
  Lord Privy Seal, 77, 359
  Los Canoneros redoubt, 166
  Louis XIV, King of France, 44, 267
  Low Countries, 3
  Loyal Club, 365
  Lubolo, Juan, 7, 16
  Ludbury (Lubborough), Captain Richard, 153, 423
  Ludlow, 4
  Luna, Don Juan de, 67, 68
  Luttrell, Narcissus, 356
  Lynch, Sir Thomas, 38, 48, 49, 78, 131, 133, 201, 202, 203, 209, 211,
    212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 220, 224, 227, 228, 229, 230, 248,
    249, 253, 273, 290, 315, 325, 331, 332, 344, 346, 348, 353, 354, 355,
    356, 357, 359, 364, 368, 370, 372, 388, 398, 399, 410, 413
  Lynch, Lady Vere, 332, 344, 367
  _Lyon_, ship, 218
  Lyons city, 392
  Lyttelton, Sir Charles, 30, 32, 37, 38, 39, 46, 49, 272, 369, 370


  M

  Macary Bay, 130
  Madagascar, 397, 408
  Madeira ships, arrival of, 320
  Madrid, 44, 46, 204
  Madrid, treaties of, 96, 97, 161, 162, 163, 215, 294, 348, 388
  Magdalena river, 147
  _Magdalena_, Spanish frigate, 114, 116
  Magellan, straits of, 395
  Magna Charta, 353
  Malamoo, suburb of Panama, 189
  Malarka, Captain Abraham, 55
  Malthus, Thomas, bookseller, 374, 376, 385
  Manchester, Earl of, 69
  Manchineal bay, 166
  Mandeville, Lord, 69
  Manosca, Bishop Saona de, 83
  Mansfield, Captain Edward, 35, 60, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 73, 80, 151
  Manzanillo bay, 129
  Maracaibo city, 107, 108, 110, 112, 118, 119, 122, 124, 199, 282, 386
  Maracaibo lake, 108, 110, 112, 114
  Marcus de Cuba, master pilot, 156
  Manumission of slaves, 408
  Maroons, 7
  Marsh, Captain Roger, 245
  Marshalsea prison, 20
  _Marston Moor_, ship, 24
  Martial law, 280, 284, 288, 290
  Martin (Marteen), Captain David, Dutch privateer, 58, 72
  Martin, Thomas, Receiver General, 257, 258, 295, 296, 297, 310, 319,
    322, 367
  _Mary_, frigate, 423
  _Mary and Jane_, ship, 129, 130
  Massey, Sir Edward, 18
  Master and Servants Act, passage of, 335
  Matagalpa province, 316
  Matanzas bay, 7
  Matasnilla river, 189
  Matica, gulf of, 298
  Matina, 66, 67
  Maurice, Captain John James, 103
  Maurice, Prince, 89
  _Mayflower_, privateer, 151, 423
  _Mayflower_, ship, 55
  Merida, 33, 34, 341
  Meverell, Mr., 413
  Mexico, 13, 31, 58, 59, 340, 341, 397, 398, 409
  Mexico, gulf of, 57
  Michael's Hole, 135
  Michaud, Bibliographie Universelle, 392
  Michel, Captain, French privateer, 397
  Michel le Basque, French pirate, 107
  Michell, William, 29
  Militia, 30, 31, 63, 206, 285, 307, 341
  Militia bill, 338
  Mindinao, 397
  Miners, 72
  Mingham, Dorothy, 297
  Mingham, Captain Francis, 295, 296, 297, 304, 305, 318, 319, 322, 366
  Mings, Captain Christopher, 17, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 34, 37,
    39, 45, 48, 49, 141
  Minor, Captain, 34
  Mint allowed in Jamaica, 260
  Modyford, Charles, 82, 101, 159, 202, 205, 207, 212, 360
  Modyford, Sir James, 77, 79, 125, 131, 133, 200, 207, 212
  Modyford, John, 53, 76, 95, 96
  Modyford, Lady, 53
  Modyford, Governor Sir Thomas, 4, 8, 32, 46, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 59,
    60, 62, 63, 64, 71, 77, 78, 79, 81, 85, 95, 99, 100, 101, 123, 124,
    129, 130, 132, 133, 135, 141, 143, 145, 146, 152, 153, 155, 159, 200,
    201, 202, 203, 204, 208, 209, 211, 212, 213, 216, 217, 227, 229, 243,
    244, 250, 253, 282, 287, 288, 318, 390, 409
  Modyford, Major General Thomas, 134
  Molesworth, Colonel Hender, 360, 368, 369, 370, 372, 393, 396, 398,
    400, 401, 403
  Monck, General George, first Duke of Albemarle, 3, 32, 46, 60, 62, 63,
    72, 81, 95, 124, 125, 132, 133, 317, 411
  Moneague, 17
  Monkey Bay, 57
  Monmouth, Duke of, 402
  Monmouthshire, 1, 219, 347
  Monposse, Mompos, or Momposse, 90, 99, 147, 150, 153
  Monte Circa, Prince of, 89
  Montfort, John, writing master, 322
  Montserrat, 4
  Morales, Don Pedro de, 26, 28
  Morgan, Colonel Bledry (Blodre), 173, 184, 200
  Morgan, Anna Petronilla, 56, 417, 428
  Morgan, Captain Charles, 53, 317, 335, 336, 349, 352, 361, 364, 365,
    366, 367, 368, 369, 370
  Morgan, Sir Charles, 2, 82
  Morgan, Colonel Edward, 2, 46, 47, 49, 53, 55, 56, 63, 65, 222
  Morgan, Sir Henry,
    lack of education, 3, 4;
    appointed captain in militia, 30;
    commissioned to command a privateer, 40;
    returns from a cruise, 57;
    marries his cousin, 65;
    is given special commission to assemble privateers, 82;
    assembles a fleet, 83;
    reports capture of Puerto Principe, 85;
    his account of the capture of Puerto Bello, 88-90;
    proposes to attack Cartagena, 103;
    captures Maracaibo, 108-9;
    captures Gibraltar, 109-110;
    defeats Spanish squadron near Maracaibo, 116-7;
    escapes from Lake Maracaibo by stratagem, 121;
    obtains a grant of land in Clarendon, 126-7;
    challenged by Pardal, 134;
    commissioned as admiral by order of council, 136;
    commission from Modyford, 138-9;
    instructions from Modyford, 139-141;
    additional instructions from Modyford, 142;
    takes Old Providence, 167;
    describes capture of Chagres castle, 172;
    gives orders for march across isthmus of Panama, 176;
    describes defeat of the Spaniards and capture of city of Panama, 188;
    retreats to Chagres, 196-7;
    discontent of his men, 197-8;
    is thanked by Executive Council, 198;
    his illness, 216;
    his arrest and return to England, 218-9;
    appointed Deputy Governor of Jamaica, 221;
    appointed Lieutenant Governor, 224;
    is knighted, 224;
    returns to Jamaica, 226;
    shipwreck at Isle  la Vache, 226;
    assumes the government of Jamaica, 227;
    Vaughan recommends his recall, 230;
    is appointed captain of an independent company, 257;
    takes over administration of the government, 258-261;
    strengthens fortifications, 262-3;
    regains his prestige, 264;
    appointed custos of Port Royal, 265;
    acts as sole judge of the Court of Admiralty, 295-6;
    becomes acting governor, 301;
    issues warrants for arrest of privateers, 301-2;
    reports arrival of a French fleet in Caribbean, 304;
    favours free trade with the Spaniards, 305-6;
    reports arrival of privateers commissioned by the Duke of
      Brandenburg, 308;
    prepares to resist a French invasion, 309;
    reports number of churches and ministers, 310;
    contributes to build a church at Port Royal, 310;
    asks for explicit instructions, 311;
    reports defeat and capture of pirates, 312;
    reports activity of interlopers, 313-4;
    reports his vigorous efforts to suppress piracy, 315, 325, 326, 327,
      328;
    resides at Lawrencefield, 316;
    reports proceedings of the Assembly, 319, 320, 321, 329, 330;
    revocation of his commissions as Lieutenant Governor and Lieutenant
      General, 331;
    succeeds in passing the Act of Revenue, 333;
    recovers damages in actions for libel against publishers of History
      of the Buccaneers, 376-7;
    dismissed from Executive Council, 363-370;
    retires to Llanrumney, 371;
    political activity, 406;
    re-appointed to Executive Council, 411;
    last illness, death and funeral, 414-6-7-8;
    his will, 418-9, 424-9;
    ability and talents, 422
  Morgan, Joanna Wilhelmina, 65
  Morgan, Mary Elizabeth, Lady
  Morgan, 53, 54, 65, 416, 417, 418, 424, 426, 428
  Morgan, Reece, 417, 428
  Morgan, Robert, 1
  Morgan, Thomas, 2, 416, 427
  Morgan, Major General Thomas, 2, 3, 5, 46, 60
  Morgan, Sir Thomas, 2
  Morgan, William, 54, 219
  Morgan's forest, 127
  Morgan's lines, 262
  Morgan's pass, 127
  Morgan's river, 234
  Morgan's savana, 234
  Morgan's valley, 127
  Morrice, Captain John Jr., 83
  Morris, Captain (Major) John, 35, 57, 65, 83, 103, 152, 157, 184, 423
  Morro castle at Havana, 151
  Morro castle at Santiago, 27
  Moskito Bank, 69
  Mosquito Indians, 57, 154
  Mostyn, Colonel, 46
  Mountague, Sir Edward, 20
  Mulattoes, 7, 58, 74, 164, 175, 183, 212, 408
  Mulert, Baron P. E., 374
  Musgrave, Captain, 361
  Musgrave, Simon, Attorney-General, 413
  Mustees, 408


  N

  Nantes, edict of, revoked, 337
  Narborough, Sir John, 24, 341
  Naval officer, 308, 309, 322
  Navigation Acts, 29, 41, 236, 309
  Navy Board, 335
  Needham, Colonel George, 409, 410, 413
  Negroes, 7, 16, 17, 19, 55, 56, 67, 71, 74, 87, 212, 224, 246, 249,
    279, 285, 305, 306, 309, 320, 371
  Netherlands, 313, 374
  Nevill, Captain, 273
  Nevill, Mr., 248, 250
  Nevis, 4, 20, 306
  New England, 20, 61, 73, 231, 250, 356
  Newgate convicts sent to Jamaica, 39
  New Netherlands, 44, 48, 232
  _New Port_, sloop, 347
  New Providence, 130, 348, 404
  Newsletter, 210, 211
  New Spain, 6
  New York, 232
  Nicaragua lake, 71
  Nicaragua plain, 60
  Nicaragua province, 316, 397
  Nicaragua river, 57, 153
  Nicholas, Secretary, 20
  Nicoia, 396
  Nimeguen, treaty of, 267
  Nombre de Dios, 88, 91, 194, 222
  Norman, Captain Richard, 157, 174, 423
  North Quays of Cuba, 61
  _Norwich_, frigate, 305, 309, 325, 327, 328, 355
  Nova Hispania, 298
  Nowell, Colonel Robert, 417, 428
  Noye, Captain John, 207, 208
  _Nuestra Senora del Carmen_, ship, 118
  Nueva Espana, 350
  Nuremburg, 374


  O

  Ocho Rios, 12, 17
  Ochoa bay, 107
  Oexmelin, Alexandre Olivier, 392
  Ogeron, Bertrand d', governor of Tortuga, 52, 80, 228, 239, 352
  Ogilby, 191
  Old Harbour, 11
  Old Providence, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80, 165, 166, 167,
    374
  _Olive Branch_, ship, 55
  Orden Serafico, 74
  Oruba island, 107
  Ostenders, 224
  Otoque island, 193
  Outlaw, Captain John, 55
  _Oxford_, frigate, 81, 82, 99, 100, 103, 105, 106
  Oxo, Captain Robert, 306, 307
  Oyer and terminer, commission of, 241, 260, 314


  P

  Pacazo, 25
  Paine, Captain Peter, 337, 342, 349, 352
  Paita, 394
  Pallisadoes, 418
  Panama, 58, 67, 73, 75, 76, 89, 90, 94, 103, 156, 157, 158, 168, 172,
    173, 174, 175, 176, 179, 181, 182, 183, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193,
    196, 198, 199, 200, 202, 210, 211, 212, 215, 217, 220, 222, 251, 293,
    307, 316, 342, 373, 374, 380, 384, 385, 386, 387, 389, 393, 394, 395,
    396, 419, 421, 422
  Panama, Bishop of, 286
  Paraguay province, 131, 138
  Paratee bay, 135
  Pardal, Manuel Rivera, Spanish privateer, 129, 133, 134, 150, 152, 155,
    203
  Parnaby, Ann, 417, 428
  Parnaby, Colonel John, 417, 428
  Passage fort, 227, 316, 418
  Peake (or Peeke), Major John, 164, 417, 428
  _Pearle_, ship, 423
  Peeters, Joseph, 234
  Penhallow, Captain, 361, 362, 364, 366, 367
  Penkar river, 347
  Penkarne estate, 347, 416
  Penn, Sir William, 5, 8
  Pepper, export of, 208
  Pepys, Samuel, 43, 258
  Peralta, Don Francisco, 194
  Perez, Lucas, 157
  Perico or Pericos, a haven, 190, 192, 393, 396
  Peru, 58, 70, 89, 103, 188, 190, 191, 341, 395, 396, 401
  Petit Goaves, port, 231, 264, 265, 286
  Philip II, King of Spain, 69
  Phillipine islands, 161, 340, 397
  Phipps, Captain John, 417, 428
  Phipps, Rebecca, 417, 428
  Phipps, Captain William, 403, 404, 405
  Pier de Vidas, suburb of Panama, 189
  Pimento, export of, 208, 279
  Pirates, 59, 75, 91, 92, 93, 94, 101, 104, 108, 109, 110, 111, 121,
    161, 228, 235, 237, 238, 240, 252, 254, 257, 260, 313, 315, 319, 326,
    327, 328, 340, 341, 343, 351, 352, 356, 358, 380, 387, 388, 389, 390,
    403, 413
  Planters, 4, 6, 7, 10, 32, 39, 81, 126, 233, 249, 251, 359, 369, 398,
    399
  Plymouth, Earl of, 21
  Poellnitz, Johan Ernst, Freiherr von, 2
  Point Cagway, 25, 31
  Point Negril, 134, 280
  Population of Jamaica, 31, 32, 128, 206, 207, 224, 235, 278, 285, 408
  _Portland_, frigate, 223
  Port Maria, 346, 348, 371, 372, 405
  Port Morant, 100, 103, 130, 132, 133
  Porto Rico, 6, 11, 13, 22, 23, 89, 200, 201, 205
  Port Royal, 9, 22, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36, 38, 50, 54, 62, 63, 66, 69, 70,
    78, 79, 80, 82, 88, 94, 98, 99, 101, 104, 122, 129, 132, 133, 134,
    137, 141, 143, 145, 147, 150, 151, 153, 198, 199, 203, 205, 206, 214,
    215, 221, 223, 225, 226, 228, 230, 232, 236, 239, 242, 245, 247, 251,
    253, 258, 262, 263, 265, 269, 273, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 285, 286,
    287, 291, 292, 293, 295, 296, 297, 301, 307, 309, 310, 312, 314, 316,
    317, 335, 336, 337, 344, 345, 347, 349, 351, 352, 358, 361, 362, 363,
    365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 398, 403, 406, 417, 418
  _Port Royal_, ship, 213, 423
  Portsmouth, 4, 58, 231
  Portugal merchants, 43
  Portuguese privateers, 35, 67
  Potoze, 188
  Potter, Joan, 417, 428
  Potts, George, 103
  Pouancy, M. de, governor of Tortuga, 286
  Powell, Captain Richard, 156, 423
  Powell, Rowland, secretary, 322, 323, 324, 351
  Poyning's Act, 259
  Prado, a negro captain, 182
  Prencia, Don Francisco de, 12
  Prince, Captain (Major) Lawrence, 153, 184, 189, 214, 216, 423
  _Primrose_, sloop, 245
  Privateering, 37, 39, 48, 61, 72, 162, 215, 237, 238, 249, 276, 352
  Privateer Quarters, 234
  Privateers, 31, 40, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 55, 57, 60, 63, 64, 69, 72, 79,
    101, 104, 106, 107, 118, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 132, 146, 148, 153,
    154, 155, 159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 201, 202, 203, 204, 211, 216, 217,
    223, 225, 228, 231, 233, 235, 236, 239, 240, 241, 242, 249, 253, 254,
    256, 257, 269, 273, 274, 277, 281, 292, 293, 298, 299, 300, 302, 303,
    304, 312, 313, 314, 315, 319, 326, 327, 332, 334, 348, 351, 352, 359,
    372, 389, 397, 403
  Privateersmen, 35
  Privy Council, 38, 50, 79, 81, 82, 162, 242, 246, 254, 255, 259, 278,
    283, 288, 294, 295, 296, 297, 301, 304, 318, 332, 343, 355, 358, 370
  Prize-money, division of, 164, 165
  Proclamations of peace with Spain, 19, 36, 63, 123
  Prosopoeia Tredegar, 2
  _Prosperous_, ship, 37
  _Prosperous_, sloop, 158, 423
  Protestants, 39, 72, 337, 342, 357
  _Providence_, a ship, 218
  Provost-marshal, 304, 322
  Prynix, Captain, 239
  Puerto Bello (Velo), 69, 73, 75, 76, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92,
    93, 94, 102, 103, 117, 122, 123, 124, 130, 158, 161, 162, 166, 168,
    183, 190, 191, 196, 197, 198, 199, 210, 215, 286, 350, 374, 379, 380,
    386, 394, 422
  Puerto de Esquivella, 11
  Puerto de Naos, 91, 176
  Puerto Plata, 403, 404
  Puerto Pontin, 91
  Puerto Principe, 37, 84, 85, 86, 161, 199, 379
  Punta del Toro, 66
  Purbeck stone, importation of, 261
  Puritans, 37
  Pym, John, 69
  Pyne, Captain John, 423


  Q

  Quadroons, 408
  Quakers, 78, 145, 151, 152
  Quebrada Honda, 67, 68
  Quebrada Obscura, 174, 178
  Queen of England, 45
  Queen's gardens, islets, 84
  Queen Regent of Spain, 86, 103, 131, 135, 138, 144, 148, 203, 229
  Quicksilver prize, 36
  Quintana, Senor, 293
  Quita Senora reef, 74
  Quit rents, 127, 234, 356


  R

  Raleigh, Sir Walter, 212
  Rasperu, Don Alvaro de, 13, 14, 15
  Rattan (Roatan), island, 57
  Raymond, Colonel, 19
  Realleyo (Realejo), town, 58
  Receiver-General, 257, 258, 295, 322, 367
  Recompenses and rewards for privateersmen, 164, 165
  Reeks, Captain John, 423
  Regicides, 18
  Restoration of the monarchy, 18
  Reventazon river, 67
  Revenue Bill, 290, 317, 320, 321, 329, 330, 332, 333, 334, 338, 339,
    355, 360, 362, 364, 365
  Rhode Island, 292
  Ringrose, Basil, 384, 390, 391
  Rio Carta, 57
  Rio Cobre, 316, 372
  Rio de Chagres, 175
  Rio de la Hacha, town, 156
  Rio Grande, 316
  Rio Hoja, 17
  Rio Nuevo, 13, 14
  Rio Wanks, 316
  Roerty, Richard, 340
  Rogers, Captain Thomas, 157, 178, 226, 239, 242
  Rose, Dr., 415
  _Rose_, frigate, 399
  Royal African Company, 45, 48, 236, 246, 254, 286, 311, 313, 324, 326,
    365, 368, 398, 401
  Royal Navy, 81, 96, 98, 103, 202, 209, 220, 293, 403
  Runaway Bay, 17
  Rupert, Prince, 45, 89, 155, 317
  Rupert, fort, 264
  Russell, John, a pirate, 398
  Rye-House plot, 363, 398


  S

  Saba island, 54, 64
  Saeties, large boats, 110
  Saint Venant, 3
  Salamanca, Don Juan de, 31
  Sallee, 246
  Salt, manufacture of, 208
  Salt Pond, 208, 262
  Salter, Captain Julian, 103
  Salter, Captain Thomas, 83
  Saludo, Don Francisco de, 168, 175
  San Augustin, 96, 130, 193
  _Sancto Christo_, ship, 50
  Sandwich, Earl of, 94, 97, 161, 162
  San Domingo, 13, 37, 47, 229, 254
  San Francisco de Campeche, town, 33, 34, 57, 273
  San Geronimo castle, 75
  San Juan river, 60
  San Lorenzo de Chagres castle, 168, 170, 171
  _San Luis_, ship, 116, 119
  _San Nicolas de Tolontino_, Spanish privateer, 131
  San Pedro de la Roca castle, 27
  _San Pedro y la Fama_, ship, 129
  San Sebastian, 329
  Santa Catalina island, 69, 72, 75, 83, 151
  Santa Maria, town, 307
  Santa Marta, town, 90, 251, 252
  Santa Teresa castle, 75, 166, 167
  Santiago battery, 74
  Santiago de Cuba, town, 11, 13, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31,
    40, 85, 86, 139, 141, 145, 155, 229
  Santos fort, 176
  Santo Spirito (Sancti Spiritu), town, 63
  _San Vicente_, ship, 73, 74
  Saona island, 106, 107, 122
  _Satisfaction_, ship, 104, 105, 142, 147, 153, 158, 423
  Savana de Cruz (Santa Cruz), 131
  Sawkins, Captain Richard, 291, 307
  Saye and Sele, Lord, 69
  Saye de Matias, 131
  Scarlett, Mr., 362
  Schedula of the Queen Regent of Spain, 135, 144, 148, 203
  "Scenographie" of the Point at Port Royal, 310
  Searle, Captain Robert, 50, 55, 64, 130, 132, 133, 193, 194, 276
  Searle's Cay, 277
  Secretary of State, 294, 315
  Sedgewick, Major Robert, 9, 10
  Segovia city, 58
  Segovia province, 316
  Senolve, Dutch captain, 35
  Servants, enlistment of, 4
  Seven Plantations estate, 268
  Sevilla Nueva, 11
  Seville, 59, 100
  Sharp, Captain Bartholomew, 340, 384, 390
  Shepherd, Captain John, 423
  Sherdlaw, Sam, 101
  Shovel, Sir Cloudesley, 24
  Sierra Maestra, 28
  Simon, Sieur, 75
  Slaves, 110, 128, 140, 247, 250, 279, 285, 324, 328, 335, 338, 401,
    405, 408
  Sloane, Dr. Hans, 406, 408, 414
  Smeeks, Hendrik, Dutch writer, 195, 373, 374
  Smith, Major Samuel, 71, 74, 76, 160, 166
  Smith's Protestant Intelligence, Domestic and Foreign, 322
  Smuggling (underhand trade), 215, 279, 298, 349, 350, 406
  Smyrna, 374
  Soares, Alexander, 101
  Sollices, mestizos, 175, 176
  South Cays of Cuba, 84, 85, 131, 147, 293, 315, 356
  South Sea, 55, 194, 195, 210, 251, 316, 340, 342, 343, 352, 390, 394,
    397
  South, Thomas, 347
  Spaniards, 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 15, 22, 25, 30, 34, 37, 45, 48, 51, 56,
    57, 60, 61, 63, 70, 71, 75, 76, 77, 79, 83, 85, 87, 91, 92, 93, 95,
    96, 101, 102, 107, 108, 110, 111, 112, 117, 124, 131, 132, 133, 135,
    137, 141, 143, 145, 146, 148, 149, 151, 152, 155, 160, 161, 171, 174,
    210, 215, 217, 220, 224, 229, 231, 233, 235, 236, 239, 248, 249, 250,
    251, 254, 269, 273, 274, 275, 284, 286, 291, 292, 294, 298, 299, 300,
    303, 305, 306, 307, 309, 311, 313, 314, 315, 326, 340, 348, 350, 351,
    397, 401, 409, 420, 421
  Spanish Court, 291
  Spanish Crawle, 347
  Spanish depredations, 100, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 138, 143, 144,
    160, 203, 204, 233, 234, 235, 244, 245, 255, 281, 286, 287, 306, 307,
    349
  Spanish Main, 17, 23, 33, 156, 162, 298, 308
  Spanish Town (St. Jago de la Vega), 32, 38, 126, 134, 207, 227, 230,
    236, 257, 262, 316, 371, 408, 409, 418, 427
  _Speaker_, ship, 55
  Speirdyck, Captain Bernard Claeson, 129, 131, 134, 146
  Spencer, Captain, a privateer, 273
  Spithead, 219
  St. Anastasius, cathedral of, at Panama, 190
  St. Andrew, parish, 282, 291, 410
  St. Ann, parish, 244, 347, 401
  St. Ann's bay, 11
  St. Augustine's bay, 398
  St. Catherine, parish, 21, 65, 207, 208, 244, 291
  _St. Catherine_, ship, 158, 423
  _St. David_, ship, 237
  St. Dorothy, parish, 282
  St. Elizabeth, parish, 232
  Ste. Eustatia (Statia), island, 54, 62, 64
  St. George, parish, 317, 347, 416, 426
  St. James, parish, 292
  St. John, parish, 244
  _St. John_, English ship, 55
  _St. John_, French ship, 423
  St. Martin's island, 306
  St. Mary, parish, 346, 347, 371, 316, 426, 427
  St. Peter and St. Paul, island, 275
  _St. Peter_, ship, 423
  St. Thomas-in-the-East, parish, 38
  St. Thomas-in-the-Vale, parish, 409
  Stanley, Captain, 71, 76
  Stedman, Captain, 64
  Steevens, Major Richard, 11, 53, 54
  Steward, Francis, 160
  Streight, Walter, 351
  Strickland, Sir Roger, 231
  _Success_, frigate, 292, 293, 294, 305, 315, 317, 326
  Sugar cane, cultivation of, 49, 407, 408
  Sugar, export of, 279
  Sugar-works, 28, 140, 208, 407, 408
  Sunderland, Earl of, Secretary of State, 303, 305, 399
  Surrey, county of, 39
  Surinam, 232
  Surinam colonists, 234
  Surinam Quarters, 232
  Surveyor General, 310
  Surinney, Roger, a servant, 417, 428
  Surveyors, 7, 223, 351
  _Susannah_, ship, 55
  _Swallow_, a ketch, 50
  Swan, Captain Charles, 157, 341, 342, 393, 394, 395, 397, 423
  Swart (Swaert), Captain Adrian, 35, 76
  _Sweepstakes_, frigate, 344
  Symons, Captain Clement, 423


  T

  Tabasco river, 57, 59
  Taboga island, 193, 194
  Talamanca, 68
  Tangier, 45, 161
  Tariaca, 68
  Taylor, Reverend Jeremy, 222
  Taylor, Captain Richard, 423
  Taylor, Captain Roger, 423
  Teotique village, 67
  Terminos island, 351
  Theory (Eleuthera), a Bahaman island, 348
  Thomas, Edmund, 347
  Thomas, a pirate, 325
  _Thomas and Francis_, ship, 223
  Thornbury, George Walter, 392
  Thornbury, Captain, 105
  Thorpe, William, 234
  Three Rivers, 285
  Thurloe, Edmund, 23
  Thurston or Throston, Captain Humphrey, 213, 423
  Tierra Firme, 73, 189, 210, 211
  Tobacco, export of, 279, 408
  Tobago island, 193, 250
  Tobasco, town, 57
  Tompkins, Mary, 347
  Tompkins, William, 347
  Tories, 356, 363, 365
  Tortoise-shell, capture of, 291
  Tortuga island, 11, 33, 52, 54, 56, 58, 62, 64, 69, 72, 77, 80, 83,
    125, 137, 143, 148, 155, 161, 228, 229, 233, 237, 245, 249
  Toulon, 104
  Tower of London, 29, 202, 205, 217, 220
  Towers, John, 410
  Traders, 8
  Treasury, 292, 294
  Tredegar castle, 1, 2, 416, 427
  Trevor, Sir John, 103
  Trevoux, 392
  Triana fort, 87
  Tribetor, Captain, 423
  Trinidad, town in Cuba, 17
  Trist, lagoon, 275, 277, 307, 340, 351, 398
  Tromp, Admiral Cornelius van, 374
  _Trueman_, ship, 55
  Truxillo, town, 57, 277
  Turkey Company, 43
  Turrialba, town, 67, 68, 69
  Turrinife, Cays of, 306
  Turtling, 245, 406
  Tyson, Colonel, 17, 19


  U

  Ujarraz, village, 69
  United Provinces, 292


  V

  Vale of St. Thomas, 65
  Valdivia, 395
  Van Horn, a pirate, 327, 384
  Vaughan, John, Lord, 222, 224, 226, 227, 229, 230, 232, 233, 235, 236,
    238, 239, 240, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 250, 252, 254, 256,
    257, 258, 259, 262, 264, 270, 272, 315, 367, 411, 413
  Venables, General, 1, 4, 6, 8, 38, 46, 386
  Venegas, Don Pedro de, 67
  Venice 192
  Venta de Cruz, 174, 176, 179, 197, 387
  Vera Cruz, city, 31, 85, 307, 326, 340, 351, 384, 398
  Veragua, province, 66, 73
  Vere, parish, 133
  Vernon, Admiral, 422
  Vice-Admiral, 299, 331
  Villa de Mosa, 57, 60
  Villago, Don Philip de Varrera, 351
  Villanueva, Don Pedro Bayona y, Governor of Puerto Principe, 86, 131, 138
  Virginia, 140, 279
  _Virgin_, ship, 255
  _Virgin Queen_, ship, 423
  Vivion or Vivonne, Captain, 104
  Vregon, 175
  _Vyner_, ship, 343, 372


  W

  _Wakende Boei_, ship, 373
  Walloons, 206
  Ward, Henry, a merchant, 322
  Ward, Colonel Philip, 208
  Warwick, Earl of, 69
  Wasey, Captain Henry, 73, 160
  Watson, Sir Francis, 331, 363, 366, 369, 370, 417, 428
  Watson, Lady, 417, 428
  Watson, a Quaker, 145, 151, 152
  _Welcome_, ship, 209, 218, 219
  Wentworth, Captain John, 31
  Western Design of Cromwell, 46
  West Indies, 5, 6, 9, 20, 44, 47, 51, 53, 79, 101, 117, 121, 123, 130,
    131, 143, 160, 163, 164, 248, 250, 278, 280, 294, 295, 298, 299, 309,
    311, 312, 403, 408
  Westminster, 22
  Westphalia, 2
  Whetstone, Sir Thomas, 20, 25, 35, 71, 76
  Whigs, 362, 365
  White, John, 309, 360
  Whitehall, 313, 317, 323
  Whitfield, Colonel Charles, 271
  Whiting, Captain, 105
  Wigfall, Captain Thomas, 263, 264
  Wild, Captain, 360, 366
  _William_, sloop, 423
  Williams, Captain, Maurice, 50, 55
  Williamson, Sir Joseph, Secretary of State, 43, 99, 200, 219, 233,
    235, 236, 269
  Wills, Captain Henry, 423
  Windsor, Thomas, Lord, 21, 22, 23, 29, 30, 38, 40, 45, 57, 290
  Windward Islands, 61, 62, 132, 133, 263, 340
  Winslow, Civil Commissioner, 9
  Witherborn, Captain Francis, a pirate, 218
  Withywood, district of, 313
  Wollin, Mrs., 363
  Woodriffe, Captain Thomas, 423
  Wren, Mr., 125
  Wright, Captain, 239


  X

  Ximinez, Don Joseph Sanchez, 73, 74, 75, 93


  Y

  Yallagh's Bay, 303
  Yapiri, Estaban, 67
  Yatches (Yachts), 299
  Yeoman, Major, provost-marshal, 304
  Yhallah, 132
  York, Archbishop of, 294
  Ypres, 3
  Yssasi, Don Christoval Arnaldo, 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, 26, 27
  Yucatan, 350
  Yucatan, Cays of, 306


  Z

  Zutphen, 54
  Zwolle, town, 373, 374


  =Transcriber's Notes:=
  hyphenation, spelling and grammar have been preserved as in the original
  Page 21, to admit- our subjects ==> to admit our subjects
  Page 40, their lavish Expences ==> their lavish Expenses
  Page 125, Amedica and West Indies ==> America and West Indies
  Page 145, which utimately came ==> which ultimately came
  Page 176, Relation do Don Juan Perez ==> Relation de Don Juan Perez
  Page 231, letters-of marque ==> letters-of-marque
  Page 278, and prerogatives" in the ==> and prerogatives in the
  Page 300, 21st September, 1860 == > 21st September, 1680
  Page 312, Spanish ships: (2) if ==> Spanish ships; (2) if
  Page 314, American and West Indies ==> America and West Indies
  Page 336, Fort Charles. The Lords ==> Fort Charles." The Lords
  Page 375, with] out Templebar, 1684. ==> without Templebar, 1684.]
  Page 376, Sun in the Poultry. ==> Sun in the Poultry."
  Page 380, Mensch. "London ==> Mensch." London
  Page 426, said debts as aforesaid ==> said debts as aforesaid.
  Page 427, Thomas Morgan of Tredegar ==> Thomas Morgan of Tredegar.
  Page 427, Exors or admors ==> Exors or admors.
  Page 427, Churchwardens and Vestrye ==> Churchwardens and Vestrye.
  Page 427, tipped with Silver ==> tipped with Silver.




[End of The Life of Sir Henry Morgan, by Brig.-General E. A. Cruikshank]
